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Roderick T. Long

Wednesday, January 17, 2007 - 00:26


Wendy McElroy
The ifeminists.net weekly e-newsletter is back. This is the URL to the first issue of the InsiderUpdate, now posted on the ifeminists.net site. The best of the week's news and commentary, handpicked for our newsfeed, will be beamed directly into your inbox, along with introductory remarks and announcements. You are most cordially invited to sign on for a free subscription. Instructions on how to do so follow:

1. Register as a user at the ifeminists.net website. At the bottom of the left column, you will see a box entitled"Welcome". Click the"Signup" link. You will be taken to a page asking you to verify that you are over 18. Once you have done that, you'll be taken to a second page, where you can provide a user name of your choice, a password, and a VALID email address. (This information will not be shared with anyone else.) Only the fields with a red asterisk are required. Enter the numeric code displayed at the bottom of the screen, and click"Register". You will receive an email which includes a link to a web page. You must visit that web page within five days to activate your membership.

2. Subscribe to the newsletter. Go to http://www.ifeminists.net. At the bottom of the left column, in the box titled"Welcome", is the login form. Enter your user name and password, and click"Login". Once you have logged in, this box will change to"Welcome ", and immediately below the Welcome box, a"Newsletter" box will appear. Click on the"Subscribe" button. A confirmation box appears; click on"OK" to subscribe to the newsletter. NOTE that the newsletter will be sent to the email address you used during registration. (You can change this email address via the"Settings" link.)

We're back baby! We're back!


Wednesday, January 17, 2007 - 17:36


Keith Halderman
An e-mail communication from Jennifer Kern of the Drug Policy Alliance (DPA) informs us that the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) is about to begin its fourth annual tour designed to promote drug testing in schools. She is calling for a response similar to last year’s when “dedicated drug policy reformers descended on every meeting with sharp questions and literature to counter the ONDCP's deceptive presentations. Many educators expressed dissatisfaction with the one-sided information provided by the ONDCP, and were grateful to hear what we had to say: that random student drug testing is unsupported by the best available research, and can deter students from extracurricular activities--the very activities that increase students' connection to their schools and to caring adults.”

Meetings will take place in Charleston, South Carolina on January 24th, Newark, New Jersey on February 27th, Honolulu, Hawaii on March 27th, and Las Vegas, Nevada on April 24th. The DPA provides an online toolkit for those who plan to attend.

An important point to remember, made by Richard Lawrence Miller in his book Drug Warriors and Their Prey: From Police Power to Police State, about drug testing is that it highlights the fact that drug use is a status crime not a behavioral one. The only reason you would need to test people for drug use is that you cannot tell whether or not they take drugs from the way they act. This explains why the ONDCP is so interested in spreading the use of testing because without it the drug problem might not be large enough for them.

Cross Posted on The Trebach Report


Wednesday, January 17, 2007 - 23:51


Mark Brady
According to a report in today's Guardian, Brigitte Zypries, the German justice minister, demanded that Holocaust denial, the sporting of Nazi symbols, and racist speech be criminalised across the European Union and called for jail terms of up to three years for the offences.

A British friend remarked,"What a bunch of Nazis!" I responded,"Once a Nazi, always a Nazi." To which he replied,"That's banned!" Or it will be, if Gauleiter Zypries has her way.

Tuesday, January 16, 2007 - 01:32


David T. Beito

This is an old blog but still worth repeating. The following is from Martin Luther King, Jr.'s book in 1957, Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story Unfortunately, King later shed much of his earlier skepticism of Marx and statism, especially during his"Poor People's Campaign" phase:

During the Christmas holidays of 1949 I decided to spend my spare time reading Karl Marx to try to understand the appeal of communism for many people. For the first time I carefully scrutinized Das Kapital and The Communist Manifesto. I also read some interpretative works on the thinking of Marx and Lenin. In reading such Communist writings I drew certain conclusions that have remained with me as convictions to this day. First, I rejected their materialistic interpretation of history. Communism, avowedly secularistic and materialistic, has no place for God. This I could never accept, for as a Christian, I believe that there is a creative personal power in the universe who is the ground and essence of all reality-a power that cannot be explained in materialistic terms. History is ultimately guided by spirit, not matter. Second, I strongly disagreed with communism's ethical relativism. Since for the Communist there is no divine government, no absolute moral order, there are no fixed, immutable principles; consequently almost anything-force, violence murder, lying-is a justifiable means to the 'millennial' end. This type of relativism was abhorrent to me. Constructive ends can never give absolute moral justification to destructive means, because in the final analysis the end is preexistent in the means.

Third, I opposed communism's political totalitarianism. In communism, the individual ends up in subjection to the state. True, the Marxists would argue that the state is an 'interim' reality which is to be eliminated when the classless society emerges; but the state is the end while it lasts, and man is only a means to that end. And if man's so-called rights and liberties stand in the way of that end, they are simply swept aside. His liberties of expression, his freedom to vote, his freedom to listen to what news he likes or to choose his books are all restricted. Man becomes hardly more, in communism, than a depersonalized cog in the turning wheel of the state.

This deprecation of individual freedom was objectionable to me. I am convinced now, as I was then, that man is an end because he is a child of God. Man is not made for the state; the state is made for man. To deprive man of freedom is to relegate him to the status of a thing, rather than elevate him to the status of a person. Man must never be treated as means to the end of the state; but always as an end within himself."


Monday, January 15, 2007 - 19:53


Roderick T. Long

[cross-posted at Austro-Athenian Empire]

I accept the traditional libertarian arguments for open borders. But I’m not going to rehash those arguments here.

Let me try a different tack.

Libertarian defenders of gun rights like to point out that gun control has often been a precursor to, because an enabler of, democide. When they are asked “do you really think our government poses that sort of danger?” they rightly remind the questioner that relatively benign regimes are sometimes succeeded by rather less nice regimes, who conveniently inherit a disarmed public, or at least a gun-registered public (so they know just where to go to round up the arms), from their predecessors. (Obvious example: the Weimar Republic.)

So here’s a reminder and a question for anti-immigration libertarians, and particularly for those who support the proposed U.S.-Mexican Border Fence.

A wall that can be used to keep people out can also be used to keep people in.

Do we really want to trust the U.S. government – meaning not only the present regime but all future U.S. regimes – with a tool of that nature?


Sunday, January 14, 2007 - 19:48


Sheldon Richman
Newspaper stories about raising the minimum wage often quote people who say the employment effects of an increase will be held down because sellers will raise prices and pass the extra cost on to their customers. (See this story on the effects of Arkansas's increase last October.)

But not so fast. If prices rise, where will we consumers get the extra money to maintain our present buying patterns? (I didn't get a raise.) If prices go up at my favorite restaurant, I'll have two choices: eat there less often or spend less elsewhere. Either way, jobs are in jeopardy.

Bastiat and Hazlitt were right.

Cross-posted at Free Association.

Saturday, January 13, 2007 - 10:17


Roderick T. Long

[cross-posted at Austro-Athenian Empire]

Wish you’d been a fly on the wall at last month’s Molinari Society symposium on “Anarchist Perspectives”?

Well, of course you don’t. A fly’s brain is too small to process the event properly. Plus you might have gotten squished against the wall by a stampeding bewilderment of philosophers.

But in any case, Charles Johnson’s comments on Matt MacKenzie’s and Geoff Plauché’s papers are now online. Gaudete igitur.


Saturday, January 13, 2007 - 23:30


Roderick T. Long

[cross-posted at Austro-Athenian Empire]

Three items of interest:

  • It looks like Ron Paul is considering running for the Republican nomination. (Conical hat tip to Lew Rockwell.)

    His chances of getting it are, of course, svelter than a nanotube. (It would be hilarious if the Republicans did nominate Paul and then the LP nominated someone like Barr!) But it strikes me as a good publicity move; antiwar liberals of the Jon Stewart variety might relish the chance to draw attention to an antiwar, anti-Bush candidate for the GOP top spot.


  • Robert Anton Wilson has died; see the notices from my two favouritepeople at Reason. His gleeful conspiracy novels anticipated both Foucault’s Pendulum and The Da Vinci Code, but were a lot more fun. For Wilson’s brief left-libertarian glossary-as-manifesto, see here.


  • And finally, this great quote from Theodore Roszak’s Voice of the Earth (conical hat tip to David Edwards):

    Our complex global economy is built upon millions of small, private acts of psychological surrender, the willingness of people to acquiesce in playing their assigned parts as cogs in the great social machine that encompasses all other machines. They must shape themselves to the prefabricated identities that make efficient coordination possible. ... [T]hat capacity for self-enslavement must be broken.
    And before you write in, gentle libertarian comrade: no, my quoting that does not mean that I agree with everything that Theodore Roszak ever said, nor does it mean that I’m getting a tattoo of Stalin on my forehead.


Friday, January 12, 2007 - 19:32


Aeon J. Skoble
...because it's all about me. I was listening in the car to some NPR report about Katrina, and almost drove off the road when one of them asked one of the others how well the political leaders are"dealing with" the disaster. As if being a governor were somehow like being a superhero. I wrote something on this a couple years ago for a Hoover Institute volume called Liberty and Hard Cases - the essay is Liberty, Policy, and Natural Disasters (this is a PDF), and perhaps you'll find it a propos reading. Because it's all about me.

Thursday, January 11, 2007 - 04:07


Sheldon Richman
"House Majority Leader Tom DeLay said yesterday that Republicans have done so well in cutting spending that he declared an 'ongoing victory,' and said there is simply no fat left to cut in the federal budget."

This is the same Tom DeLay who declared Terri Schiavo"lucid."

Thursday, January 11, 2007 - 04:08


Mark Brady
Rwanda's civil war saw 800,000 Tutsis slaughtered by the Hutus - armed and supported by France. Now, thirteen years later, is Paris once again meddling in the country's affairs? Read the story here.

Thursday, January 11, 2007 - 00:24


David T. Beito
Rick Shenkman has a story for HNN on the debate and kindly provided a link here to a video showing yours truly. The clip is brief but has added entertainment value because of the obvious squirming of some our pro-speech code opponents in the background.

Thursday, January 11, 2007 - 15:12


Roderick T. Long

[cross-posted at Austro-Athenian Empire]

Check out this great video from They Might Be Giants. (Conical hat tip to Stephen Carson.)


Wednesday, January 10, 2007 - 13:37


Jason Kuznicki
I've hit a serious snag in my understanding of Mises. I'm not just being Socratic.

In chapter 15, Mises writes,


Credit transactions fall into two groups, the separation of which must form the starting point for every theory of credit and especially for every investigation into the connection between money and credit and into the influence of credit on the money prices of goods. On the one hand are those credit transactions which are characterized by the fact that they impose a sacrifice on that party who performs his part of the bargain before the other does—the forgoing of immediate power of disposal over the exchanged good, or, if this version is preferred, the forgoing of power of disposal over the surrendered good until the receipt of that for which it is exchanged. This sacrifice is balanced by a corresponding gain on the part of the other party to the contract—the advantage of obtaining earlier disposal over the good acquired in exchange, or, what is the same thing, of not having to fulfill his part of the bargain immediately. In their respective valuations both parties take account of the advantages and disadvantages that arise from the difference between the times at which they have to fulfill the bargain. The exchange ratio embodied in the contract contains an expression of the value of time in the opinions of the individuals concerned.

The second group of credit transactions is characterized by the fact that in them the gain of the party who receives before he pays is balanced by no sacrifice on the part of the other party. Thus the difference in time between fulfillment and counterfulfillment, which is just as much the essence of this kind of transaction as of the other, has an influence merely on the valuations of the one party, while the other is able to treat it as insignificant. This fact at first seems puzzling, even inexplicable; it constitutes a rock on which many economic theories have come to grief. Nevertheless, the explanation is not very difficult if we take into account the peculiarity of the goods involved in the transaction. In the first kind of credit transactions, what is surrendered consists of money or goods, disposal over which is a source of satisfaction and renunciation of which a source of dissatisfaction. In the credit transactions of the second group, the granter of the credit renounces for the time being the ownership of a sum of money, but this renunciation (given certain assumptions that in this case are justifiable) results for him in no reduction of satisfaction. If a creditor is able to confer a loan by issuing claims which are payable on demand, then the granting of the credit is bound up with no economic sacrifice for him. He could confer credit in this form free of charge, if we disregard the technical costs that may be involved in the issue of notes and the like. Whether he is paid immediately in money or only receives claims at first, which do not fall due until later, remains a matter of indifference to him.

I understand the first type of credit well enough; it is exactly the credit that a merchant gives you by issuing a store credit card, and cross-merchant credit cards are only a slight variation on the theme. But the second type of credit baffles me in one very important aspect: How is it that issuing a claim payable on demand involves no reduction in satisfaction? How can it be that, if I give you a claim upon my money, payable at will, that I have not moved to a lower level of satisfaction?

There follow two paragraphs of econography -- writing about the study of economics, rather than about economics itself -- that are unhelpful but that at least do no harm. Then comes the following:

The peculiar attitude of individuals toward transactions involving circulation credit is explained by the circumstance that the claims in which it is expressed can be used in every connection instead of money. He who requires money, in order to lend it, or to buy something, or to liquidate debts, or to pay taxes, is not first obliged to convert the claims to money (notes or bank balances) into money; he can also use the claims themselves directly as means of payment. For everybody they therefore are really money substitutes; they perform the monetary function in the same way as money; they are"ready money" to him, that is, present, not future, money.

So the issuing side loses nothing? Unthinkable.

Unthinkable, so I must be misreading. What's going on here?

Wednesday, January 10, 2007 - 20:34


Scott Horton
Announcing Antiwar Radio, the new show for KAOS Radio 95.9 FM in Austin, Texas and Antiwar.com.

I did a couple of interviews of Robert Dreyfuss and Ron Paul back in December but took the rest of the month to upgrade some equipment and celebrate the holidays. Today is, I hope, the real beginning of the new show for the new year, starting with Jacob Hornberger and Ray McGovern.

Certainly most of the cast of Liberty&Power will end up as guests before too long, so tune in daily from noon to one Central time at KAOS959.com or check Antiwar.com for the mp3.

I hope to soon stream live and have the RSS feed and all that too.

Tuesday, January 9, 2007 - 00:36


Mark Brady
Will Hutton takes a stab here in a fascinating extract from his new book, The Writing on the Wall.

"The truth is that China is not the socialist market economy the party describes, nor moving towards capitalism as the western consensus believes. Rather it is frozen in a structure that I describe as Leninist corporatism - and which is unstable, monumentally inefficient, dependent upon the expropriation of peasant savings on a grand scale, colossally unequal and ultimately unsustainable. It is Leninist in that the party still follows Lenin's dictum of being the vanguard, monopoly political driver and controller of the economy and society. And it is corporatist because the framework for all economic activity in China is one of central management and coordination from which no economic actor, however humble, can opt out."

"The interest of the west is to help China avoid this fate and encourage a peaceful transition to a pluralist China within a legitimate system of accountability; a country that is comfortable with liberal globalisation and the international rule of law. To describe the goal of policy in this way is demanding enough; more demanding still is to execute it. The simple extrapolations of China's growth, predicting that it will eventually become a one-party, economic colossus, lead to an alarmist climate in which it is easier to justify trade protection or, in the United States, potential military activism. Such responses are naive. We have to play it long, encourage and help to co-manage the change that must come. Only thus will the world be a safer and still prosperous place."

For more about his new book, go here and here (New York: Free Press, 2006), and here and here (London: Little, Brown, 2007).

Monday, January 8, 2007 - 12:36


David T. Beito
The business meeting of the American Historical Association easily voted down our proposed resolution opposing the use of speech codes to restrict academic freedom. Our critics from last year who earnestly volunteered that they would support a resolution on this issue if proposed separately remained silent and probably voted against us. The results of the meeting further illustrate that those who set the agenda for the AHA subscribe to the theory of"academic freedom for me but not for thee."

I am told that the AHA emailed a YouTube link to members on the debate but I did not receive it. The Chronicle of Higher Education has a summary

Campus-speech-code opponents vowed to bring their own resolution to the 2007 meeting. Led by David T. Beito, an associate professor of history at the University of Alabama at Tuscaloosa, and Ralph E. Luker, an independent scholar who blogs at the History News Network's Cliopatria blog, the resolution's proponents called on the association to"oppose the use of speech codes to restrict academic freedom."

As evidence, Mr. Beito circulated three recent news articles that he said demonstrated how universities have used"free-speech zones" to restrict student speech. The examples included an Associated Press article from December 17, 2006, reporting that two students at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro faced"disciplinary action for staging a protest about the campus 'free-speech zones' outside the free-speech zones."

Those who opposed the resolution attacked it as overly broad and unclear. One member who spoke against the resolution was Pamela H. Smith, a professor of history at Columbia University, who argued that it"takes for granted what we mean by speech codes" and"negates the complexity" of how to balance the rights of free speech with the responsibilities that accompany free speech.

An amendment to the resolution that would limit what it opposed specifically to"free speech zones" was offered by Warren Goldstein, a professor of history at the University of Hartford. Though Mr. Beito attacked that amendment as"wimping out by the AHA," the amendment succeeded and was subsequently passed unanimously by a voice vote.


Monday, January 8, 2007 - 16:13


Karen Kwiatowski
I posted this just now at HuffingtonPost -- they are not antigovernment or antiwar, just anti-this government and this war in Iraq. But it occurs to me that it's as appropriate here as there, and probably more appreciated!


http://www.huffingtonpost.com/karen-kwiatkowski/killing-time_b_38151.html

Monday, January 8, 2007 - 21:10


Mark Brady
"One Last Push and That's You Finished in Iraq, Mr President." That's how Simon Jenkins begins his column in today's Sunday Times. Jenkins concludes,"The only good news is that it surely must be the beginning of the end." Amen.

Read it and consider what I'm about to say. I invite our readers, and especially those who supported U.S. intervention in Iraq either in March 2003 or subsequently argued against withdrawal, to tell us what they think George Bush should do now and why they think it would be the best course of action. And if you think U.S. armed forces should incrementally stand down as the Iraqi army steps up, tell us why you think this would work now.

Sunday, January 7, 2007 - 03:41