Karen Kwiatowski
callers too. Listen at www.rbnlive.com/listen.html.
Tomorrow night, 9-11 pm EST, I have Dr. Andy Schmookler, an interesting non-libertarian progressive who hosts the http://www.nonesoblind.org/index.php blog. Both guests will have a lot to say, and both shows will be educational. informative, and perhaps provocative too. Join us! And the call in number is 1-800-313-9443!
Chris Matthew Sciabarra
Throughout the years, I have met a number of libertarians who were, growing up (and, uh, are still...)"Comic Book Geeks." I don't know if there have been any statistical surveys correlating"Comic Book Geek" beginnings and libertarian ends. But you might want to take this test or this test to examine your own"Comic Book Geek Purity."
There are a few CBGs among us at L&P, including Roderick Long and Aeon Skoble, the latter of whom is the central focus of my Notablog post today:"The Comic Book Geek Revolutionaries."
Roderick T. Long
Im back from Scotland! But more about that later.
Joseph Strombergs excellent 1995 article English Enclosures and Soviet Collectivization: Two Instances of an Anti-Peasant Mode of Development, which appeared in the first (and alas only) issue of Sam Konkins journal The Agorist Quarterly, has been getting some attention in the left-libertarian blogosphere lately (see, e.g., here and here). Stromberg explores the illuminating parallels between what are often thought of as very disparate events (since one is supposed to be a black mark for capitalism and the other for socialism, whatever exactly those terms mean).
I thought the article deserved a wider audience, particularly in light of the ongoing debate among libertarians concerning land reform and the subsidy of history. So with Strombergs kind permission, Ive placed it online on the Molinari Institute site. Check it out here.
The other articles in that issue are worth reading also, so Im going to try to get permission from the various authors to post the whole issue. Thus far Ive gotten approval from E. Scott Royce and Jared C. Lobdell (for their articles The Black Market Response to Rationing During World War II and Old Rightists and Old Writers, respectively); waiting to hear from the others. Watch this space ....
Charles W. Nuckolls
Officials believed that Ouray's status as a tourist mecca would be improved if all the buildings resembled a Disney-esque fantasy on Victorian architecture. Lots of gingerbread decorations, that sort of thing. It would be"good for the community" if people obeyed, and thus, all remodeling and new construction would have to conform to a detailed set of specifications to insure" conformity."
What is interesting here, however, is the process. City council sessions are badly attended, and it was clear the advocates of regulation depended on lack of public recognition. I happened in accidentally one day, and was astonished to find the regulation agenda almost on the books, with no public discussion or comment. That's often the way things get done, I've noticed, especially in small towns dominated by semi-dynastic oligarchs from"established" families.
So I published articles in the local newspaper and established a website (www.freeouray.org). It turns out there are plenty of freedom-loving citizens still left in small town America. I pushed hard for a full public vote, and low and behold, one was actually held just last month. And guess what happened? The pro-regulation camp was defeated overwhelmingly!
Just goes to show. When people are tipped off to the loss of their liberties, they do tend to respond. The only place where I've found this rule of thumb does not apply is the university. Faculty members can pretty much be led off to the slaughterhouse without a whimper, if the administrators tell 'em it's for the"good of the community."
But that's another story . . .
David T. Beito

Vivien Kellems, like Rose Wilder Lane, Isabel Paterson, and Zora Neale Hurston, was a champion of individual freedom during an era of New Deal and war. Overcoming tremendous odds, she took on the Internal Revenue Service and won, at least a temporary victory.
Kellems was born on this day in 1896 is Des Moines, Iowa. She attended the University of Oregon (getting a M.A. degree) and was the only woman on the debate team. She worked alongside her engineer older brother, Edgar E. Kellems, who patented a cable grip. Moving to Connecticut, she founded the Kellems Cable Grips serving as president for more than thirty years. The company’s grips were used on such structures as the Chrysler Building, George Washington Bridge.
Already a prominent industrialist in Connecticut, she waded into the fight for the Equal Rights Amendment. In stating her case, she put forward her own brand of individualist feminism. By contrast, many “social feminists” at the time such as Eleanor Roosevelt opposed the ERA because it would strike down “protective legislation” for women. In 1943, Kellems asked “what are you going to do with all these women in industry? If we're good enough to go into these factories and turn out munitions in order to win this war, we're good enough to hold those jobs after the war and to sit at a table to determine the kind of peace that shall be made, and the kind of world we and our children are going to have in the future."
In 1948, however, Kellems took the national spotlight in the cause that would dominate the rest of her life. She refused to withhold income taxes from the paychecks of her 100 employees. The IRS retaliated by taking $8,000 from her bank account. Kellems took the feds to court arguing that because her workers had already paid their taxes personally, she should not be liable. For much valuable information on her struggles with the IRS, see here.
Her showdown with the IRS gained so much attention that “Meet the Press” had her on one of its first guests. The audio tape of the show still exists and reveals Kellems to be witty, feisty, charming, and eloquent in her defense of individual freedom. In her comments, she puts the blame on men for causing wars and big government.
In 1952, a jury surprised everyone by deciding in her favor and handing a rare defeat to the IRS. The same year brought the appearance of her book Toil, Taxes, and Trouble, an account of her fight with the IRS.
Kellems did not mellow with age. In 1969, she spurned a court order to produce her financial records for a federal district court, arguing that it violated her rights under the Fifth Amendment. She also refused to file a tax return. Although the IRS hit back with an assessment, she continued her defiance. For the rest of her life, she never filed another return. Shortly before her death in 1975, she described American tax law as “a hydra-headed monster” and vowed “to attack, attack and attack until I have ironed out every flaw in it."
David T. Beito
Go here if you want to add your name.
Wendy McElroy
And, yes, I would make the same argument if the sexes were reversed.
You are cordially invited to visit my blog and join a libertarian BB that I moderate.
Mark Brady
Sheldon Richman
Try as they might, apologists for the war in Iraq won’t be convincing when they insist that, at worst, the Haditha “incident” (or was it a mishap?) was the unfortunate work of a few bad Marines. It was something much worse.Read the rest of my op-ed at The Future of Freedom Foundation website.
When men trained to kill on a battlefield — this wasn’t the Salvation Army, after all — are ordered into civilian areas where many residents see the troops as an occupying force rather than as liberators, what would you expect to happen? We hear war defenders complain that “the enemy” doesn’t identify itself. Why should it? In the eyes of the “insurgents” they are resisting an army of occupation. That Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld didn’t foresee this resistance doesn’t mean it was unforeseeable.
So who is ultimately responsible for the massacre of the 24 unarmed Iraqis at Haditha? The one who put the Marines there: President George W. Bush.
Cross-posted at Free Association.
Sudha Shenoy
Richard Twining, Thomas’ grandson, inspired William Pitt the Younger to pass the Commutation Act in 1784. The Act drastically reduced duties on a large number of imports, particularly tea. The tax on tea was lowered from a huge 119% to a more realistic 12 ½ %. In 1784, retained imports of tea came to 4,962,000 lbs. In 1785 retained imports rose nearly 3.3 times, to 16,307,000 lbs. No, this is _not_ a dramatic illustration of elasticity of demand. What had happened, of course, was that smuggled tea was now imported openly.
Incidentally, Richard Twining was Chairman of the Tea Dealers Association. The sharp reduction in duties on tea dealt a direct blow to their commercial rivals, the smugglers. The latter held a public meeting in London to oppose the Act, & also issued pamphlets setting out the dire effects to be expected from reducing duties so rapidly & to such an extent. But to no avail.
As is well-known, the heavy import duties of 18th century Britain, made smuggling into a major industry. It was a significant income-earner in the coastal areas of Kent, Sussex, Hampshire, Cornwall, & of course Scotland. Smugglers called themselves ‘free traders’. The casks of smuggled brandy & other smuggled goods were often stored in the crypt of the local church. Local JPs not only turned a blind eye, they were regular customers & often also provided storage space for the smugglers.
Upto 1745, it is estimated that three times as much tea was smuggled into Britain as was imported ‘legally’. Duties were reduced in that year, but raised again in later years. Imports of ‘legal’ tea rose, but it continued to be much the smaller part of the total supply. Smuggled tea of course cost far less than tea which paid duty; it is estimated the difference was around one-half the price of ‘legal’ tea.
Tea was smuggled into England from Amsterdam. Practically all the tea drunk in Scotland came via fast smuggling ships from Denmark. Tea dealers gave regular orders to the smugglers, who delivered labelled packages to each dealer. In the 18th century, the bulk of the incomes of the Danish & then the Swedish, East India Companies, came from smuggling tea into Britain. The Swedish company dwindled away after the Commutation Act.
Twentieth century governments, like the Bourbons, have learnt nothing. But while the Bourbons remembered what they had far better forgotten, twentieth century governments forget -- where they _must_ remember.
Sudha Shenoy
The Sunnis mainly occupy the central oil-poor provinces, & so their political leaders have to continue to use violence. This last is directed mainly against two targets: (1) the Shia -- whose mosques & gatherings they bomb regularly & (2 ) govt functionaries (eg, policemen) & offices (eg, army recruitment centres.) Through such methods, they continue their battle for _further_ political power. Over the last few weeks Sunni politicians have shown clearly that they are dissatisfied with the amount of power they now have, & definitely want more. But Shia & Kurd politicians are not willing -- as yet -- to give them more.
The Kurd-majority provinces are also oil-rich, & Kurdish politicians have de facto autonomy. These provinces also contain several important minorities -- Arabs & Turkmen, in particular. Kurdish politicians of course use their power to favour their own followers, since such permanent minorities must be generally helpless. Where Saddam Hussain planted his Arab followers into key cities in these provinces & forcibly displaced Kurds, Kurdish politicians naturally do the opposite: they evict Arabs & Turkmen, to turn their properties over to Kurdish followers. It would appear that Kurdish politicians are generally secure in their exercise of power; the real struggle will be further south.
Thus the ‘referendum’ is the next stage in this power struggle. The important question is whether all the politicians will be satisfied with whatever power shares they obtain afterwards. Al-Sadr & the Sunni politicians clearly would like to increase their shares -- but will the other Shia rulers & the Kurdish rulers be happy with this? Alternatively, could the southern Shia & the Kurdish rulers simply go their own way with their provinces? The problem here is that Al-Sadr _also_ has a strong following in the southern provinces; & Sunni politicians would simply extend their violence in both directions.
In short: the long-suffering Iraqi people will continue to have an ‘interesting’ time (as in the old Chinese curse.)
(What? The constitution? Oh that. The outcome of the power struggle will be recorded in whatever document comes out afterwards. )
(*Amendment: That should read: Baghdad & a number of other cities throughout Iraq, from Basra in the south to Kirkuk in the north.)
Addendum: Other Shia politicians also oppose regionalism; & Turkmen politicians in the north have come out very strongly against regionalism, for obvious reasons.
William Marina
Will George W Strut Down Bourbon Street in a Flight Suit?
"Troops begin combat operations in New Orleans"
Army Times, September 2:
NEW ORLEANS — Combat operations are underway on the streets “to take this city back” in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina.
“This place is going to look like Little Somalia,” Brig. Gen. Gary Jones, commander of the Louisiana National Guard’s Joint Task Force told Army Times Friday as hundreds of armed troops under his charge prepared to launch a massive citywide security mission from a staging area outside the Louisiana Superdome. “We’re going to go out and take this city back. This will be a combat operation to get this city under control.” ...
Dozens of military trucks and up-armored Humvees left the staging area just after 11 a.m. Friday, while hundreds more troops arrived at the same staging area in the city via Black Hawk and Chinook helicopters.
“We’re here to do whatever they need us to do,” Sgt. 1st Class Ron Dixon, of the Oklahoma National Guard’s 1345th Transportation Company. “We packed to stay as long as it takes.”
While some fight the insurgency in the city, other carry on with rescue and evacuation operations....
David T. Beito
David T. Beito
Speaking at a luncheon hosted by the conservative Fraser Institute think tank yesterday, Stossel made it clear his politics don't quite fall within the traditional left or right wing spectrum.
He takes no issue with gay marriage, for example, while he says sending troops to Iraq"wasn't a good idea." I'm a Libertarian," according to Stossel, the TV network consumer reporter turned staunch free-market defender."I hold beliefs Conservatives abhor."
Roderick T. Long
He is continually condemned for things he never said –
indeed, he is taken to task for things he explicitly denied.
-- George H. Smith
As my regular readers know (see the links to my previous discussions on this topic here), I've taken upon myself something like the role of one-man Herbert Spencer Anti-Defamation League. Today my concern is with a recent article by Eric Roark (no relation to Howard, I presume) titled Herbert Spencer's Evolutionary Individualism. Let me immediately stress that Roark’s article expresses a nuanced and valuable appreciation of Spencer, and is in no way comparable to some of the hatchet jobs I've dissected here before. Nevertheless, Roark does unwittingly recycle some of the same old myths about Spencer, and I am sworn to hunt those myths down and kill kill kill whenever they appear, so here goes.
Roark follows mainstream mythology in calling Spencer a" conservative," noting that he means the term in its modern rather than its classical sense. But I find it difficult to apply the term in any sense to a thinker who rejected private ownership of land; denounced state support for religion; condemned militarism and male supremacy as mutually reinforcing evils; regarded colonialism as a scheme to benefit the rich at the expense of the poor; and sought to replace the wage system with workers' cooperatives.
Roark also follows mainstream mythology in presenting Spencer as a defender of the wealthy. For example, Roark writes:
"Spencer did not dislike the poor per se, only the 'idle poor' who refused to work. (Spencer reserves comment on persons unable to work because of disability.) Interestingly, this condemnation did not extend to a critique of the 'idle rich,' a group that if they knew the meaning of industriousness had practiced such an art only once at birth."There are two problems with this. First, Spencer certainly did not"reserve comment" on those unable to work; he wrote about them frequently, and advocated assisting them:
"Accidents will still supply victims on whom generosity may be legitimately expended. Men thrown upon their backs by unforeseen events, men who have failed for want of knowledge inaccessible to them, men ruined by the dishonesty of others, and men in whom hope long delayed has made the heart sick may, with advantage to all parties, be assisted."Second, Spencer had plenty to say against the idle rich, as for example in the famous passage from Social Statics (and it's Statics, not Statistics!) where he writes:
"It is very easy for you, O respectable citizen, seated in your easy chair, with your feet on the fender, to hold forth on the misconduct of the people -- very easy for you to censure their extravagant and vicious habits .... It is no honor to you that you do not spend your savings in sensual gratification; you have pleasures enough without. But what would you do if placed in the position of the laborer? How would these virtues of yours stand the wear and tear of poverty? Where would your prudence and self-denial be if you were deprived of all the hopes that now stimulate you ...? Let us see you tied to an irksome employment from dawn till dusk; fed on meager food, and scarcely enough of that .... Suppose your savings had to be made, not, as now, out of surplus income, but out of wages already insufficient for necessaries; and then consider whether to be provident would be as easy as you at present find it. Conceive yourself one of a despised class contemptuously termed 'the great unwashed'; stigmatized as brutish, stolid, vicious ... and then say whether the desire to be respectable would be as practically operative on you as now. ... How offensive it is to hear some pert, self-approving personage, who thanks God that he is not as other men are, passing harsh sentence on his poor, hard-worked, heavily burdened fellow countrymen ...."Roark also follows mainstream mythology in presenting Spencer as favouring competition over cooperation."Does social evolution occur because individuals cooperate with one another," Roark asks,"or because they compete against one another?" And he describes Spencer and Kropotkin as"polarized extremes" on this question. But it is a serious mistake to depict Spencer as occupying one extreme of the cooperation-competition pole; Spencer's view, on the contrary, was that as human beings grow more and more adapted to the social state, competition gives way more and more to cooperation.
Roark's suggestion that"survival of the fittest" tells in favour of competition and against cooperation neglects Spencer’s doctrine that cooperative modes of social interaction are precisely those that are fitter and so tend to displace competitive modes. In addition, Spencer was in favour of, not opposed to, present-day efforts to moderate the competitive aspects of society (so long as such efforts were voluntary);"the struggle for life," Spencer wrote,"needs to be qualified when the gregarious state is entered," so that"the weak shall be guarded against the strong." The popular notion, first concocted by Spencer's political enemies, that Spencer was opposed to"assisting the unfit" was one he insistently denied, over and over.
This brings us to the worst, and most often repeated, of the mainstream mythology's calumnies against Spencer: Roark quotes the passage that Spencer's critics always quote to show that Spencer favoured letting the poor die off:"If they are sufficiently complete to live, they do live, and it is well they should live. If they are not sufficiently complete to live, they die, and it is best they should die." And like those critics Roark disastrously neglects to include the first sentence of the immediately following paragraph:"Of course, in so far as the severity of this process is mitigated by the spontaneous sympathy of men for each other, it is proper that it should be mitigated." Spencer goes on to explain that although charity can have negative effects,"the drawbacks hence arising are nothing like commensurate with the benefits otherwise conferred." In other words, in context the quoted passage says precisely the opposite of what it is always interpreted to mean. Once the passage is read in context, Roark's inference that Spencer"leaves no acceptable social space for those who cannot sustain self-sufficiency" is simply indefensible -- and ignores the literally hundreds of pages Spencer wrote about the duties of charity and positive beneficence.
Roark recycles the usual charge that Spencer inconsistently attempts to combine social organicism with ethical individualism. Actually this combination was the standard approach among 19th-century libertarians, as among many more recent libertarian thinkers such as Hayek; the view that individuality is socially constituted is traditionally a libertarian idea. But Roark never says what is inconsistent about such a combination.
In any case he seems to have an odd view of what Spencerian individualism comes to, since he contrasts Marx's view that" cooperative and interdependent social relations [are] the apex of social evolutionism" with Spencer's supposed view of social evolution as"paving the way for the solitary, free, and independent individual." This is an odd thing to say of a thinker who hoped that the progress of social evolution would"so mold human nature" that in due course the"likeness between the feelings of the sympathizer and those of the sympathized with" would come"near to identity," so that"ministration to others' happiness will become a daily need" and"sympathetic pleasures will be spontaneously pursued to the fullest extent advantageous to each and all."
A few more minor points:
I must dissent from Roark’s suggestion that"Spencer's 'law of equal freedom' is almost identical in substance with John Stuart Mill's 'harm principle.'" There are many ways of harming a person (i.e., making the person worse off) that are not violations of the person's liberty, and so Mill's principle licenses far more in the way of state intervention that Spencer's does. (Roark also, strangely, seems to think that in Spencer's view only it is only governments, never individuals, that violate the law of equal freedom; but Spencer said nothing of the kind.)
Roark criticises Spencer as inconsistent for opposing governmental intervention when his own policies constitute"politically interfering in the decision of a community to construct a system of poverty welfare." But of course from Spencer's point of view the difference here is between initiatory and defensive uses of force; if A tries to whack B with an axe, and C intervenes to save B, both A and C are"interfering," but hardly in the same sense. (And moreover Spencer looked forward to the day when both forms of force would have withered away.)
Roark notes that Spencer's approach was"grounded in British empiricism rather than German idealism." But I think Spencer is better seen as trying to synthesise, or transcend the dichotomy between, British empiricism and German idealism, rather than picking a side. He explicitly said, after all, that his aim was to reconcile Locke and Kant. Spencer's doctrines of"transfigured realism" and"the unknowable" -- his proto-Hayekian notion that we can have knowledge of the patterns and relations among real things despite our ignorance of the inherent natures of those things themselves -- is meant to split the difference between empiricism and idealism metaphysically, while his theory that our innate ideas are the product of our ancestors' experiences is meant to split the difference epistemologically. (While Spencer did regard some of Kant's views as"rubbish," contrary to Roark's suggestion he certainly did not dismiss Kant as unworthy of serious consideration, but on the contrary wrestles with Kantian themes throughout his writings.)
Finally, Roark's article contains the following baffling remark:"Even the staunchest political libertarian accepts some very limited minimal state." In light of the enormous number of free-market libertarian anarchists I simply have no idea what to make of this statement.
Having said all that, let me reiterate my opening remark, which the reader is now very likely to have forgotten: these errors are not the centerpiece of Roark's article, and the article is not a typical piece of Spencer-bashing like some of the screeds I've inveighed against before. On the contrary, it is in many ways sympathetic toward Spencer, and critical of various aspects of the mainstream mythology about him. All the same, Roark's article lends more support to the standard defamatory line than it should, and so called forth my wakeful sword.
David T. Beito
William Marina
"Subject: Firearms Refresher Course:
If you consider that there has been an average of 160,000 troops in the Iraq Theater of operations during the last 22 months; that gives a firearm death rate of 60 per 100,000.
The firearm death rate in Washington D.C. is 80.6 per 100,000. That means that you are 25% more likely to be shot and killed in our Nation's Capitol, which has some of the strictest gun control laws in the nation, than you are in Iraq.
Conclusion: We should immediately pull out of Washington, D.C."
Here is my response:
Dear Cuz,
The lack of logic in the piece above, which you sent to me, is typical of the shoddy, but arrogant, thinking that got us into the Iraq quagmire in the first place; an extension of the comment of the senior Bush Adm. official last year that"we're an empire now, and we create our own reality," or, the Rev. Pat Robertson's, that George W. is"our Emperor."
The modern American Army has a very low % of troops actually wielding weapons compared to those involved in food and other supplies (a further armored Abrams tank gets 1 mpg, a bit less than my Civic Hybrid which I bought at Joe Marina Honda!), maintenance, bringing all the a/c and TVs needed, etc., extending back into Europe and the US for all this support. Further, much of our bombing has been done from places other than Iraq.
The only relevant figures would be to factor in our troops actually with bombs/guns, related to the number of Iraqis we have killed. A huge kill ratio I would suspect!
Our intrepid Firearms Refresher Course writer seems to have omitted the number of"Gooks," civilian and otherwise, who have gotten in the way of our bombs/bullets, or the discarded Depleted Uranium (DU) shells, the radiation from which has also been killing our own troops there since 1991.
I use that term, which originated in the Philippines in 1898, and which we have used to describe people in various nations since, where we have had the arrogance to proclaim that we're bringing 'em Democracy.
In the Philippines, we killed about 600,000, although the Army's figures list only about 220,000; McNamara acknowledges perhaps 3 million killed in Vietnam; and the figures have only begun for Iraq, although M. Albright noted, as early as 1995, that the 500,000 kids dying from our policies were"worth the price."
And, We dare to call ourselves a Christian nation? Of course, that phrase itself is a contradiction in terms, since real Christianity had little to do with nation states or empires until Constantine nationalized it in an effort to try to save the floundering Roman Imperial Welfare State.
This is the legacy the Marina-Huerta Educ. Found. will have to cope with as we go abroad to try to help people with our own version of community building.
I am reminded of JQ Adams comments on July 4. 1821, that"America goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy." And, what would it profit us if we pursued that goal, but in the process lost our own souls?
Well, less than 200 years later (actually, only about 77 to 1898), we are out there seeking monsters, and those who follow the Empire, and Emperor GeoII/43, in my view, are, indeed, in danger of losing their souls, or, whatever small sense of humanity they still have left.
I will send a separate comment, if time permits, with respect to your Katrina/Welfare State piece, which you also forwarded to me.
On that subject, you might want to read, the journalist (from KC, Kan.) H.J. Haskell's great book (1938, 1943), The New Deal in Old Rome.
Right now, both in Iraq and New Orleans,"reality," seems to be blowing back, a real wash out!
Regards, & May the Tao & Peace be with You, Bill Marina, Exec. Dir. Marina-Huerta Educ. Found.
Protagoras
Sheldon Richman
In 1977 the late economic historian Jonathan R. T. Hughes published a book called The Governmental Habit (updated in 1991 as The Governmental Habit Redux). It showed how pervasive government intervention in the economy has been since colonial times. The title captures an important phenomenon. People are in the habit of looking to government -- the only agency that may legally wield or threaten force against non-aggressors -- to get what they want. While earlier generations of Americans were hesitant to ask the local, state, or national government to do certain things (although perhaps not as hesitant as we thought), few modern Americans have any such scruples.Read the full article at the website of the Foundation for Economic Education.
Americans of all classes expect the government (translation: taxpayers) to pick up the tab for services, and the politicians and bureaucrats to compel others to do things they don't want to. Someone must be buying Matthew Lesko's books or he wouldn't keep paying for those irritating television commercials.
People even want the government to do things that are outright dumb, such as compel us to conserve energy.
Cross-posted at Free Association.
Mark Brady
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