George Mason University's
History News Network
New entry

Liberty & Power: Group Blog



William Marina
Who says an American company can't compete in China? The Chinese chew Wrigley says The Asia Times.

Thursday, August 18, 2005 - 03:01


Steven Horwitz
This is a delightful little glimpse of the future of pizza delivery, once we have National IDs, state-run health-care, and a host of other unpleasant state activity. I'd say"enjoy" but you won't.


Thursday, August 18, 2005 - 09:22


Chris Matthew Sciabarra

As I mentioned here, I've been celebrating the tenth anniversaries of my first two books in my"Dialectics and Liberty Trilogy": Marx, Hayek, and Utopia (which was published 10 years ago today) and Ayn Rand: The Russian Radical (which, though my second book, was published 10 years ago, this past Sunday).

In any event, over the last few days, I've had a number of new posts to Notablog, including links to an interview conducted by Sébastien Caré and an interview conducted by Sunni Maravillosa.

Today, Ed Younkins also posted his review of my book, Total Freedom (which was published five years ago); the review has generated some discussion at SOLO HQ.


Thursday, August 18, 2005 - 14:30


David T. Beito

A report on NPR this morning noted that the United States had supported a coup against the Queen of Hawaii. It implied that this coup led directly led to the incorporation of Hawaii into the United States.

The full story of Hawaiian annexation is more complicated and more interesting. In early 1893, a cabal of American-born planters overthrew Queen Liliukalani. The American minister to Hawaii, who had aided the plotters, declared triumphantly, "The Hawaiian pear is now fully ripe, and this is the golden hour for the United States to pluck it." The outgoing administration of President Benjamin Harrison hurriedly drafted a treaty of annexation.

Although ultimate Senate passage seemed a foregone conclusion, the Democrats delayed the vote so that incoming President Grover Cleveland could get the glory of adding Hawaii to the U.S. map.

When Cleveland took office in March, however, he defied nearly everybody's expectations. He not only came out forcefully against the treaty of annexation but condemned the coup as illegal. He also called for restoration of the deposed Queen and reaffirmed what he saw as the American foreign policy tradition of non-interventionism.

Offered Hawaii on a silver platter, Cleveland stood up for principle and said"no." In 1898, he recalled "I regarded and still regard the proposed annexation of Hawaii as not only opposed to our national policy but as a perversion of our national mission. The mission of our nation is to build up and make a great country out of what we have, instead of annexing islands."

Cleveland held the line against annexation for the rest of his term. Meanwhile, the coup plotters, now shunned by the United States, had to content themselves by setting up a"Republic of Hawaii." Only in 1898 during the expansionist administration of Republican William McKinley was Hawaii incorporated into the United States.


Tuesday, August 16, 2005 - 15:46


Aeon J. Skoble
I'm still on vacation, so I'll pass on getting into some of the interesting threads that have come up since the site redesign came on. But I have some information I'd like to pass on. At this December's meeting of the American Philosophical Association, which will be in NYC, the American Association for the Philosophic Study of Society will be putting on a symposium on the forthcoming book Norms of Liberty by Doug Rasmussen and Doug Den Uyl. Below is the session info I just received from the APA.

GIV-1. American Association for the Philosophic Study of Society Wednesday, 12.28.05, 2:00-5:00 p.m., Concourse C Topic: A Symposium on Rasmussen and Den Uyl's Norms of Liberty Chair: Fred Miller, Jr. (Bowling Green State University) Speakers: Aeon Skoble (Bridgewater State College) Edwin England (Denison University) Charlotte Thomas (Mercer University) David Thunder (University of Notre Dame)

Hope to see some L&P readers or bloggers there!


Tuesday, August 16, 2005 - 12:29


Keith Halderman
Jacksonville based writer A.G. Gancarski has a very positive review of a new book, An Analytic Assessment of U.S. Drug Policy by David Boyum and Peter Reuter, in today's Washington Times. Gancarski writes, "Using arguments rooted largely in cost-benefit analysis, the authors neatly debunk the drug war as it is currently fought. Decrying the lack of"strong empirical evidence of substantial effectiveness" of the effort, the scholars suggest that the drug war's advocates be charged with providing said evidence."

When we consider the message of this book in conjunction with the June report issued by Harvard economist Jeffrey A. Miron on the costs of marijuana prohibition it becomes crystal clear that the war on people who use certain kinds of drugs is, if nothing else, a colossal waste of money.


Tuesday, August 16, 2005 - 15:23


Roderick T. Long
[cross-posted at Austro-Athenian Empire]

Date and time information are now available for the Molinari Society's second symposium, meeting in conjunction with the Eastern Division of the American Philosophical Association in New York City, December 27-30, 2005. The topic is the relation between"thin" libertarianism (i.e., libertarianism understood as a narrowly political doctrine) and"thick" libertarianism (i.e., libertarianism understood as essentially integrated into some broader set of social or cultural values).

GIII-8. Wednesday, 28 December 2005, 11:15 a.m.-1:15 p.m.
Molinari Society symposium: "Libertarianism Through Thick and Thin"
Morgan Suite (Second Floor), Hilton New York, 1335 Avenue of the Americas

Session 1, 11:15-12:15:
chair: Roderick T. Long (Auburn University)
speaker: Jan Narveson (University of Waterloo)
title: "Libertarianism: The Thick and the Thin"
commentator: Charles W. Johnson (Molinari Institute)

Session 2, 12:15-1:15:
chair: Jennifer McKitrick (University of Nebraska - Lincoln)
speaker: Jack Ross (National Labor College)
title: "Labor and Liberty: A Lost Ideal and an Unlikely New Alliance"
commentator: Charles W. Johnson (Molinari Institute)

Tuesday, August 16, 2005 - 16:37


Charles W. Nuckolls
This is about a small town in Colorado, a town called"Ouray." It is like a lot of other small mountains towns, struggling with the demands of growth and the loss of what some perceive to be its"true" character. Preserving that character, it turns out, comes at a price. Read on, and see how easy it is to wake up one morning in a rock-solid Republican area and find out the city government has turned into a politburo. And check out our website website:

In a trend that began some years ago, our Ouray City Council is contemplating additional measures to restrict your rights over your land and houses in the city. The stated purpose of these measures is to define the"desired" scale and character of all development.

Currently the city uses voluntary guidelines, but many officials consider these inadequate. They want mandatory regulations, to be enforced by regulatory bureaucracy that would decide if your plans for your property are" compatible" with official notions of style and historical character.

Among the regulations currently being considered are these: The style and design of new houses (and modifications to existing ones) must conform to the"architectural tradition" of the city. New construction must be" compatible" with other structures in the neighborhood. Exterior materials must be similar in color, texture, and dimension to the city's"historical context." Roofs must be steeply pitched.

Who would define the meaning of terms like"tradition" and" character?" The city government. Who would evaluate your building plans and decide if they conform to the City's mandated aesthetic standards? The city government. What sort of city would you then have? Would it be a city increasingly under the control of the Office of Community Development and its unelected" coordinator?"

It would certainly not be the Ouray that many of us cherish, a place of eclectic styles representing many historical and architectural concepts. It would not be a place where the free market operates, efficiently and openly, and where individuals (not government officials) make decisions about the disposition of their resources. Instead, it will be a place where mainly gingerbread-decorated neo-Victorians are sanctioned, and where free market innovation is discouraged in preference to government-mandated design rules. As one member of the (unelected) Planning Commission put it, 40% of the visitors to Ouray expect to see quaint Victorians with steeply pitched roofs, so that is what we need to give them.

Highly restrictive regulations have already been approved. Did you know, for instance, that you cannot build or add on to your house in the historic district (most of the city) if the size will exceed by more than 10% of the average house size in your block? The Council passed this ordinance only last year. Think again about adding a bathroom or expanding the kitchen. Or did you know that you cannot build on more than 30% of your lot in the residential zone R1? That means almost three quarters of your land is unavailable to you for any other purpose than landscaping. And yet these restrictions are nothing compared to what will happen if a number of city officials get their way.

The day is soon approaching when you will have to apply for a certificate of"appropriateness," to demonstrate that your structure conforms in design, scale, building materials, setback, and landscaping features to the" character" of the city as defined by city officials. Is that really what you want here in Ouray? If you value free market capitalism, if you want to safeguard your right of private property against predatory government encroachment, we strongly urge you attend the working sessions on historical preservation.

Unfortunately, very few people showed up at the last meeting, and that means city officials have not heard from the people who take their rights seriously. Local government becomes unresponsive and overbearing when it is not held accountable to the people.

Make your voice heard now, or it will be too late!


Monday, August 15, 2005 - 10:19


Kenneth R. Gregg
Don't Tread on Me



I have a fondness for the Gadsden flag and happened to come across a website devoted to it (even includes tattoos!).

Tip of the hat to Guillermo Fajardo of Argentina and the Spanish language libertarian website, Red Liberal.

Just a thought.
Just Ken
CLASSical Liberalism


Monday, August 15, 2005 - 00:17


Kenneth R. Gregg

Are Hobbits from Kentucky? Ralph Luker mentioned History Carnival #14 was out at Natalee Bennett's Philobiblon and, lo and behold, her first mention (following Luker) was that of The Elfin Ethicist's discussion of an interesting source for Hobbits: Kentucky, which refers to John Holbo in his The Valve - A Literary Organ. He discusses Guy Davenport’s essay, “Hobbitry”, from The Geography of the Imagination (1981). Davenportmentions:

The closest I have ever gotten to the secret and inner Tolkien was in a casual conversation on a snowy day in Shelbyville, Kentucky. I forget how in the world we came to talk about Tolkien at all, but I began plying questions as soon as I knew that I was talking to a man who had been at Oxford as a classmate of Ronald Tolkien’s. He was a history teacher, Allen Barnett. He had never read The Hobbit or The Lord of the Rings. Indeed, he was astonished and pleased to know that his friend of so many years ago had made a name for himself as a writer.
“Imagine that! You know, he used to have the most extraordinary interest in the people here in Kentucky. He could never get enough of my tales of Kentucky folk. He used to make me repeat family names like Barefoot and Boffin and Baggins and good country names like that.”
And out the window I could see tobacco barns. The charming anachronism of the hobbits’ pipes suddenly made sense in a new way...
"Practically all the names of Tolkien's hobbits are listed in my Lexington phone book, and those that aren't can be found over in Shelbyville. Like as not, they grow and cure pipe-weed for a living. Talk with them, and their turns of phrase are pure hobbit: 'I hear tell,' 'right agin,' 'so Mr. Frodo is his first and second cousin, once removed either way,' 'this very month as is.' These are English locutions, of course, but ones that are heard oftener now in Kentucky than in England.
"I despaired of trying to tell Barnett what his talk of Kentucky folk became in Tolkien's imagination. I urged him to read The Lord of the Rings but as our paths have never crossed again, I don't know that he did. Nor if he knew that he created by an Oxford fire and in walks along the Cherwell and Isis the Bagginses, Boffins, Tooks, Brandybucks, Grubbs, Burrowses, Goodbodies, and Proudfoots (or Proudfeet, as a branch of the family will have it) who were, we are told, the special study of Gandalf the Grey, the only wizard who was interested in their bashful and countrified ways."
Luker continues:
I've admitted that I found all of that fascinating, largely because, like Davenport and Barnett, I'm a Kentuckian, but when I first read this I was wondering how much of it should I discount because Davenport was also a Kentuckian. I've read and discounted some of the claims that English and Scots-Irish immigrants settled in remote pockets of mountainous eastern Kentucky and preserved 18th century folk culture and language largely unchanged into the 20th century. But Lexington and Shelbyville are in the lush bluegrass central part of the state. They've never been isolated in ways that the mountain communities have been.
So, I thought I'd just toss these claims out for discussion by those who know more about The Lord of the Rings than I do. What would a well-informed historian do when confronted with this kind of evidence? Did Davenport discover the hobbits, living unbeknownst in central Kentucky or was his own provenance over-reaching?
...ClioWeb's Jeremy Boggs sends this via e-mail:"I'm from far southwest Virginia, Wise county to be exact, and I remember a few Baggins last names in the phone book. I went to Morehead State U. (in Morehead, Ky, my freshman year) and also remember a guy named Boffins. AND I remember a rather elderly man back home saying"eleventy-first" instead of one-hundred eleven, but I never thought to tie it to Tolkien's work until your post. Really interesting, I'll have to look into it more."
Although The Elfin Ethicist is somewhat skeptical. Upon looking for Hobbit names in Kentucky census records, she says:
I'm not terribly impressed with the results. In particular, the disproportionately low concentration of Goodbodies, Tooks, and Proudfeet relative to the rest of the country is disappointing.
Worse still, I found 123 entries for Goodbody, 81 for Took, and 541 for Proudfoot in the British listings at Infobel UK. There are ten British entries for Gamgee, compared with no legitimate-looking listings at all in the US. There are also 58 British Boffins, but only twelve in America and none in Kentucky.
Some of those are business names, but that was disheartening. I was only slightly encouraged by finding a scarcity of Bagginses in the UK; there were just two likely-looking British listings, compared with one in Kentucky.
That does not in any way disprove the account we have from Barnett via Davenport. It merely means I haven't done anything to corroborate it.
Originating from the region that is known as"Kentuckiana" (I'm from the Indiana portion with a fair knowledge of Western Kentucky--my family has been in the region since the early 1800's), I'm not that surprised. There are nooks and crannies of small valleys and wooded hills thereabouts that, in my childhood, I spent much time. Many are out of the way, and not observable from the main roads. The culture there has a different sense of time, of place. The language of Tolkein is akin to that of the area. For many small communities, there was more contact with the Ohio River than with the big cities. Louisville, Cincinnati are far away from these. The Amish with their farms have more connection with many of these folk than city people. I've known people there that could be mistaken for Bagginses and Brandywines, even a few Tooks (talk about family pictures--wasn't that my grandmother?)! They kept pretty much to themselves. Might not even be in most censuses.
Just a thought.
Just Ken
CLASSical Liberalism

Monday, August 15, 2005 - 00:23


Kenneth R. Gregg

History Carnival #14 mentions Mohraz's (Mohamad Razagh in Iran) discussion of Cyrus The Great's ( 580-529 BC) inscription cylinder. It may be the first written statement of rights:

I am Cyrus, the king of the world, great king, legitimate king (son of Cambyses) whose rule Bel and Nebo loved and whom they wanted as king to please their hearts.
When I entered Babylon as a friend and established the seat of government in the place of the ruler under jubilation and rejoicing, Marduk, the great lord (induced) the magnanimous inhabitants of Babylon (Din Tir) (to love me) and I daily endeavored to praise him. My numerous troops walked around in Babylon in peace, I did not allow anybody to terrorize (any of the people) of the country of Sumer and Akkad. I strove for peace in Babylon (Ka Dingir ra) and in all his (other) sacred cities. As to the inhabitants of Babylon (who) against the will of the gods (had/were I abolished) the corvee (yoke) which was against their (social standing). I brought relief to their dilapidated housing, putting an end to their main complaints. Marduk, the great lord, was well pleased with my deeds and sent friendly blessing to myself, Cyrus, the King, who reveres him, to Cambyses, my son, as well as to all my troops, and we all (praised) his great (name) joyously, standing before him in peace I returned to (these) sacred cities on the other side of the Tigris, the sanctuaries of which have been ruins for a long time, the images which (used) to live therein and established for them permanent sanctuaries. I (also) gathered all their (former) inhabitants and returned (to them) their habitations. Furthermore, I resettled upon the command of Marduk, the great lord, all the gods of Sumer and Akkad who Nabonidus has brought to Babylon (su sa na) to the anger of the lord of the gods unharmed in their chapels, the places which make them happy.
May all the gods whom I have resettled in their sacred cities ask Bel and Nebo daily for a long life (six lines destroyed) and always with good words remember my good deeds that Babylonians incessantly cherished me because I resettled them in comfortable habitations I endeavored to strengthen the fortification of Imgur-Enlil and the great fortification of the City of Babylon the side brick wall by the city's trench which the former king (had built and had not finished). This was finished around (the city), that none of the former kings, despite the labor of their yoked people, had not accomplished. I rebuilt and completed with tar and brick and installed large gates entrances were built by cedar wood covered with brass and copper pivot I strengthened all the gates I saw inscribed the name of my predecessor, King Ashurbanipal.
As Moraz says:
On this historical turning point, by order of Cyrus, all the captive nationalities held as slaves for generations in Babylon were freed and the return to their homeland was financed. Among the liberated captives were 50,000 Jews held in Babylon for three generations whose return toward the rebuilding of their temple in Palestine, a policy that was followed by Darius and his successors. Some of the liberated Jews were invited to and did settle in Persia. Because of such a generous act, Cyrus has been anointed in the Bible. He is the only gentile in the Bible, who has been titled Messiah, an is mentioned explicitly as the Lord's shepherd and his anointed (Messiah). Other references to Cyrus are attested in Isaiah 45:4 where Cyrus is called by name and given a title of honor; he is also called to rebuild the God's city and free His people (Is. 45:13) and is chosen, called and brought successful by God (Is. 48:14-15).
What took place after the victory in Babylon was contrary to the standard of the time. Based on the inscriptions of the neighboring countries (Assyrians, Babylonians), it was customary to destroy the vanquished cities, level houses and temples, massacre the people or enslave the population, replace them with snakes, wolves and even carry away the soil to make the land barren. But here, peace and liberty replaced the massacre and slavery, and construction substituted for destruction. After Cyrus, his son Cambyses ruled for eight years (530BC to 522 BC) and captured Egypt, and as a sign of respect toward their culture and religion, he prostrated himself before the goddess, Meith and paid homage to Apis, the Egyptian totem (Bull).
After Cambyses, Darius took over the throne and ruled form 522BC to 486BC. From 518BC to 515BC he established peace and tranquility in Egypt and also paid homage to their totem, Apis. Darius, in his inscriptions, expresses faith in the commands of Ahuramazda. He declares"Whoever worships Ahuramazda, shall receive happiness in life and after death." He calls Elamites faithless, and because they did not worship Ahuramazda, yet he does not pressure them to change faith. Darius exhorts his successors"thou shalt be king thereafter, protect yourself from the lies and punish the liar and deceitful."
All in all, an admirable point in time (and thanks to Mohraz for the insights)
Just a thought.
Just Ken
CLASSical Liberalism

Monday, August 15, 2005 - 01:00


Chris Matthew Sciabarra

File this blog entry under the category of"Self-Promotion." I suspect I'll be forgiven a bit of that by my L&P colleagues, who know my admiration for Ayn Rand.

On this date, ten years ago, my book Ayn Rand: The Russian Radical was published by Penn State Press. It was actually my second book, but it arrived four days before the publication of my first book, Marx, Hayek, and Utopia, by SUNY Press. These books, together with my Total Freedom: Toward a Dialectical Libertarianism (also published by Penn State Press), make up my"Dialectics and Liberty Trilogy."

So, this week, I'll be looking back at Notablog, at L&P, and at SOLO HQ, which publishes one of my retrospective pieces today, entitled"Ten Years After." There will be interviews posted to different sites throughout the week, and additional pieces will be published into the Fall 2005 semester.

Thanks to those readers who have given me their support, even if they didn't always agree with my conclusions.


Sunday, August 14, 2005 - 08:55


Roderick T. Long
[cross-posted at Austro-Athenian Empire]

According to traditional just war theory, one of the prerequisites for a war's being just is that it have a legitimate aim; that's not sufficient, but it is necessary.

But what about cases where the decision to go to war has several aims, some just and some unjust? For example, in the war of 1812 the United States arguably had both a just aim (resisting British impressments of American citizens at sea) and an unjust aim (a land grab in Canada); likewise in the U.S. Civil War the Confederacy had both a just aim (resisting tariffs and centralised power) and an unjust aim (preserving and extending slavery).

I presume that just war theorists have addressed this question, but I couldn't find a discussion of it in my (admittedly cursory) online search; but here's my suggestion as to how this problem should be handled.

What we need to know, in order to apply the just cause criterion, is how central the unjust aim is to the war's objectives. It seems to me that there are four possibilities, depending on the necessity and/or sufficiency of the unjust aim. (I should add that when I talk of necessity and sufficiency here I am talking about the logical necessity or sufficiency of an aim for the action of which it is a part, not the causal necessity or sufficiency of an aim for a temporally subsequent action; I am thus not assuming any sort of causal determinism. In Kantian terms, I'm talking about what's part of the maxim.)

  • First possibility: The unjust aim is both necessary and sufficient for the decision; that is, the decision would not have been made if the unjust aim were absent, and it would still have been made if the just aim had been absent (which implies that the just aim is neither necessary nor sufficient).


  • Second possibility: The unjust aim is necessary but insufficient for the decision (which implies that the just aim is likewise necessary but not sufficient).


  • Third possibility: The unjust aim is unnecessary but sufficient for the decision (which implies that the just aim is likewise unnecessary but sufficient).


  • Fourth possibility: The unjust aim is both unnecessary and insufficient for the decision (which implies that the just aim is both necessary and sufficient).

I think the first and second possibilities are clearly cases where the war fails the just cause requirement. If the war wouldn’t have occurred without the unjust motive, mustn't the war be unjust? The third possibility is trickier, since in this case the unjust motive is superfluous; but in this case the just motive is superfluous too. The decision to wage war thus expresses a kind of indifference to the war's justice which for me inclines the balance toward saying it’s unjust. In the case of the fourth possibility, however, the unjust motive really is merely along for the ride while the just motive is doing all the work, so I'd say in this case the war passes the just cause criterion.

Sunday, August 14, 2005 - 15:48


Steven Horwitz

My long-time friend and partner in Austrian crime (and L&P contributing editor) Pete Boettke has a nice new entry at The Austrian Economists blog. Pete is addressing James Buchanan's contributions to political economy (and runs down a great list of Buchanan aphorisms that generations of grad students have tried to take to heart). Specifically, Pete talks about the varieties of socialism that have been threats to economic and political freedom over the last 100 years. He notes that the 21st century version of socialism has a new twist to it, according to Buchanan:

But Buchanan claims in his essay "Afraid to Be Free: Dependence as Desideratum" that the new threat in the 21st century comes in the form of:

(4) parental socialism --- where the individuals invite the government to meddle in their lives to protect them from themselves and provide security in their lives from the vagaries of a life left to their own making.

That's my emphasis, which is to distinguish this form of socialism, which involves individuals asking to be saved from themselves (parental) from forms where elected leaders or self-appointed elites simply believed they had to save others from themselves (paternal). Pete argues that Buchanan believes parental socialism has arisen because:

Autonomy is losing its appeal. The learned helplessness we have acquired by living in a political culture of preferential treatment and protection from ourselves may have left the modern mind incapable of accepting the responsibilities of freedom. We are instead afraid to be free.

I think there's much truth to this, but I want to take it a step further. It's not just the political culture that creates this demand to be saved from ourselves, but other aspects of the culture as well. In particular, I want to talk about parenting and the family.

Part of the unwillingness and inability of many (especially young) adults to take responsibility for their own lives comes from being raised by parents who protected them from either having to choose (by doing it for them) or accepting responsibility for the outcomes of the choices (by trying to constantly bail them out of situations of their own making). In addition, too many parents operate in a climate of fear, where they will go to extraordinary lengths to ensure that nothing "bad" ever happens to their children. Think of the parents who will only allow their child to play on a playground full of soft rubber equipment and mats so that the horror of a scraped knee or bruised shin will never be experienced. Or consider the way better-off parents have taken quickly to getting children diagnosed with learing disabilities the moment school gets tough or they are unable to live up to parental expectations. Although some such disabilities may be real, it can also be a convenient way of excusing self-responsibility. Consider further the umbilical cord of the cellphone, with so many college students constantly connected to parents - and not because just the parents want that connection, but because the students themselves often cannot make a decision without parental involvement and help. As this wonderful piece from Psychology Today terms it, we're fast becoming "A Nation of Wimps."

Having worked with incoming college students closely for four years, the future scares me. We have too many students arriving at college unprepared for the sorts of decisions they will have to make and for taking responsibility for the results. For example, a group of our students, in the wake of the alcohol-related death of a fellow student, demanded that the university provide a "drunk bus" from campus to the village so that they could drink heavily and not have to worry about getting home. Their argument was that they should be able to do whatever they want and that WE should be making sure it doesn't kill them. This is "parental socialism" at its core.

We also have students who are unprepared for failure, having been cushioned from it for 18 years by parents who believe that any negative outcome for their kids reflects some sort of failure on their part. My own diagnosis of much of this cultural problem is that too many parents want trophy kids and that the over-psychologizing of parenting has frozen parents into mortal fear of doing something "wrong" and damaging kids for life. Think of the vast literature on potty training. Ask people who parented before the 1960s about whether they needed a manual to train their kids, or feared deep psychological damage if they did it "too early" or "wrong." They will, rightly in my view, laugh in your face. (The psychologist-columnist John Rosemond is excellent on this issue and many others, though I don't agree with him on everything. See in particular his Bill of Rights for Children, which captures his approach well.)

I once said to a group of students that the sign of a good parent is that he or she is unafraid to make his or her children cry (e.g. by saying no and sticking to it). They were horrified. For thousands of years, humans made it to adulthood fully functional despite a world much scarier than that of the 21st century. It's a fascinating question why we've invented this culture of "safety" and fear around our children. Perhaps with the demise of real fears (childhood illnesses, widespread grinding poverty in the West, and children being killed while working), we create new ones, in a sort of "dark side" parallel of Maslow's hierarchy of needs. One test of this hypothesis would be whether or not these sorts of parenting practices and views of responsibility are directly correlated with a society's wealth. My own casual empiricism about my own students (both across differences in income within the US and between US students and those coming from poorer regions outside the US) suggests the hypothesis is correct.

And those of us who teach know these kids - they don't know how to react to a poor grade and work to improve it; they take all criticism (from faculty and peers) of their ideas or skills as being personal (or being the result of faculty political bias, rather than consider the possibility that they need to do better); and faced with personal crises, they are frozen into complete inactivity. And they expect their parents to make it all right. Once again, the cultural roots of parental socialism in a nutshell.

I don't consider myself a Randian or an Objectivist of any stripe, but this issue is an example of ol' Ayn being right on the mark in emphasizing the linkages between cultural practices, philosophical ideas, and the political-economic order. I invite, no I urge, Chris to chime in here and make this argument better than I can. It seems to me it's precisely the sorts of things he's talking about in the last few chapters of Total Freedom.

The challenge for those of us who cherish economic and political freedom is enormous. Without changes in the culture, specifically the culture around parenting, it will be increasingly difficult to convince people that a free society is a good society. As Chris and others have said, recognizing the central role of culture in this way inverts a famous feminist slogan; in this analysis, the political is often the personal.


Saturday, August 13, 2005 - 10:17


David T. Beito
A google search brings up four thousand pictures of Warren Buffett but not a single one of his father Howard. A biography does not exist and apparently his papers are unavailable. Perhaps it all makes sense. During his life, and as a member of Congress, Howard Homan Buffett always put principle over popularity. As Joseph Stromberg aptly puts it, he was the Ron Paul of his day.

Born on this day in Omaha, Nebraska on 1903, Buffett came from a family of prominent grocers. As president of the Buffett-Falk & Company founded in 1931, he prospered through shrewd investing in the stock market.

Running on a pledge to fight those who would “fasten the chains of servitude around America’s neck,“ he served in Congress as a Republican from 1942 to 1948 and 1950 to 1952. As Bill Kauffman writes:

He marked himself an oddball by returning a pay raise to the Treasury and by subjecting each piece of legislation to a simple test:

“Will this add to, or subtract from, human liberty?”

Very few House bills passed Howard Buffett’s test.

In four non-consecutive terms representing Omaha in the U.S. House of Representatives, the radical backbench Republican compiled an almost purely libertarian record. He opposed whatever New Deal alphabet-soup agencies and Fair Deal bureaucracies emerged from the black lagoon of the Potomac….

Buffett was also a strict isolationist, denouncing NATO, conscription, the Marshall Plan (“Operation Rathole”), and the incipient Cold War, which he believed would enchain Americans in “the shackles of regimentation and coercion...in the name of stopping communism.” Foreign aid was a Buffett bugaboo. The story is told that as the family drove past the British Embassy late one night, Howard, seeing the lights still on, quipped, “They even stay up late to think of ways to get our money.”

Buffett summed up his views of America and the world in a speech on the House floor condemning the Truman Doctrine: “Even if it were desirable, America is not strong enough to police the world by military force. If that attempt is made, the blessings of liberty will be replaced by tyranny and coercion at home. Our Christian ideals cannot be exported to other lands by dollars and guns. Persuasion and example are the methods taught by the Carpenter of Nazareth, and if we believe in Christianity we should try to advance our ideals by his methods. We cannot practice might and force abroad and retain freedom at home. We cannot talk world cooperation and practice power politics.”….

Congressman Buffett’s son, while revering Pop as a tower of integrity and honesty, seems not to have inherited the old man’s libertarian streak. Warren Buffett is a liberal Democrat whose favorite political causes are legalized abortion and population control.

But surely the father bequeathed the son a confident contrariety, for if Warren Buffett lacks Howard Buffett’s politics, he shares his disdain for the eastern citadels of commerce and power, choosing to live in his hometown of Omaha: a radically decentralist act of which Rep. Buffett would have heartily approved.

After losing a primary for the U.S. Senate, Buffett retired. He became a well-known figure among the small besieged libertarian “remnant” during the Cold War era. His most notable legacy from this standpoint was a founder of The Institute for Humane Studies. He died in 1964.


Saturday, August 13, 2005 - 11:29


Radley Balko
I hope the Rolling Stones' war protest tune is decent, but I have my doubts. Damn-near all of the protest songs related to Iraq have been dreadful. Even Steve Earle -- generally a terrific songwriter -- has put out a roster of protest songs that sound like readings from the Daily Kos comments section imposed over slapped-together three-chord progressions. Rather uninspiring. Even the better stuff (Green Day's American Idiot IMHO) has been passable at best.

In fact, for my money the only decent anti-war song to come out in the last five years is Old Crow Medicine Show's "Big Time in the Jungle" which is a three-decades-late Vietnam war anthem.

In fact, odd as it sounds, the best anti-Iraq war anthem around is also an old anti-Vietnam anthem. John Prine's satirical blade in "Your Flag Decal Won't Get You Into Heaven Anymore" is as appropriate, wry, and incisive today as it was in 1971.

Given the bumber sticker infestation of the highways these days, it may be even more appropriate.

Saturday, August 13, 2005 - 13:05


Radley Balko
President Bush just signed a bill that would give grants to states to set up databases for the purpose of monitoring the prescription drugs of patients.

This is troubling, to say the least. What drugs I'm taking and the status of my personal health are, frankly, none of the government's damned business.

The database will serve two functions: First, it will allow the government to monitor for"doctor shopping," the term drug warriors give to patients who see multiple doctors to get prescription meds. The practice is indeed used by people who in turn sell some of those meds on the black market. But"doctor shoppers" can also be patients who can't find a doctor who will give them the medication they need in adequate doses -- chronic pain patients, for example. This bill will make it easier for states to create more pain martyrs like Richard Paey.

The other thing the bill will do is make it easier on states to crack down on people who get prescription pains from sources not recognized and authorized by the federal government -- namely overseas pharmacies or friends and family. A routine traffic stop in which the cop finds some leftover Percocet a friend gave you to help with your back spasms, for example, could now land you in trouble. Should a check of the state database reveal that you haven't been prescribed the stuff, you could be facing a charge of possessing a controlled substance, and your friend (should you turn him in) could be charged with distribution. Incidentally, that lending of Percocet is, by government guidelines, an incident of"prescription drug abuse." Keep that in mind when you read about the high-incidence of such"abuse" in the news.

Of course, the AP article on the bill doesn't mention any of these concerns, only the concern issued by one Congressman over the privacy of patients in the system. That's a valid objection, too.

Nevertheless, the bill passed by voice vote in the House, and by unanimous consent in the Senate. Your state government (and, inevitably, the federal government) will soon be able to monitor what medications you're taking.

And the bill became law with barely a whimper of protest.

Saturday, August 13, 2005 - 13:47