Chris Matthew Sciabarra
I think NY Daily News syndicated columnist Zev Chafets must be reading Liberty & Power. A few days after I noted Brother Ray's passing, and our very own Sheldon Richman suggested adding him to Mount Rushmore, Chafets writes that Charles and other trailblazers of the rock 'n' roll revolution,"deserve a Rushmore all their own."
Meanwhile, the tributes keep a comin'. Charles is being featured all over the radio dial, according to News columnist David Hinckley, prompting a few classic lines from R&B singer Ruth Brown. Hinckley tells us that Brown's late pal, jazz singer Billy Eckstine, once said that it is an"ominous sign for a veteran performer ... to have a flurry of his or her songs resurface on the radio. 'He said if they suddenly play more than three of your songs,' Brown muses, 'that means you're dead.'"
Brown also celebrates Charles'"great sense of humor." Hinckely reports:
"I talked to him a few months ago," said Brown."He told me they were making a movie about his life and asked who should play me. I said,"Halle Berry." He said,"Ruth, I ain't that blind."
A Ray Charles memorial is scheduled for this coming Friday.
Chris Matthew Sciabarra
I've discussed the role of Drugs and Terror and the fact that even with the best of intentions, a US invasion of Afghanistan (which I supported) can lead to unintended consequences of monumental significance. In the aftermath of that invasion, Taliban elements still exist, Bin Laden is still at large, and Afghanistan itself is inching ever closer to becoming a major Middle East Narcostate.
This morning, on"Meet the Press," Tim Russert interviewed Afghanistan President Karzai on the reality of opium production in that country. Russert quotes from the US General Accounting Office.
MR. RUSSERT:"Opium production threatened stability. The illicit international trade in Afghan opiates threatened Afghan's stability during fiscal years 2002-2003. The drug trade provided income for terrorists and warlords fueling the factions that worked against stability and national unity. In 2002, Afghan farmers produced 3,442 metric tons of opium, providing $2.5 billion in trafficking revenue. In 2003 opium production in the country increased to 3,600 metric tons, the second largest harvest in the country's history. Further, heroin laboratories have proliferated in Afghanistan in recent years. As a result of the increased poppy production and in-country heroin production, greater resources were available to Afghan criminal networks and others at odds with the central government. The International Monetary Fund and Afghanistan's minister of Finance have stated that the potential exists for Afghanistan to become a 'narcostate' in which all legitimate institutions are infiltrated by the power and wealth of drug traffickers.'"
PRES. KARZAI: That is quite possible. We have a serious problem because of drugs on our hands. We began to work against drug production three years ago, as soon as we came into government, but the first year of passing the government, we made the mistake. The mistake was that we went and paid farmers in return for destruction. This encouraged everybody else to grow poppies, thinking that if they grow poppies, we will go to destroy it and pay them for it. And if we don't go to destroy it, they will have the poppies. So we made that mistake. And last year we recognized it, and we began to destroy poppies. This year, again, we have gone and destroyed poppies.
But this is not a simple problem. We are talking of a country in which there was 30 years of war, in which there were six years of horrible drought. When I moved into Afghanistan three years ago, I saw with my own eyes an orchard of pomegranates that was turned into poppy fields; that's how serious the problem is. But we recognize and so do the Afghan people that this is a problem that can cause Afghanistan to go into serious danger. This production of poppies supports terrorism. It trivializes the economy. It undermines institution building in Afghanistan. Afghanistan will have to destroy it for the sake of the Afghan people and, also, because of the world.
But we cannot do this alone. We will destroy the poppies, but next year they will come again; therefore there has to be a plan together with the international community to provide alternative livelihood, alternative economy and better reconstruction in Afghanistan on a sustainable manner so that we over time get rid of the problem. The Afghan people don't want it. They know it is illegitimate. Our clergy, our religious community, our tribal chiefs, the government, the institutions are working against it on a daily basis, and we will succeed because we have to succeed.
MR. RUSSERT: But if 80 percent of the 27 million people in Afghanistan live in poverty and the warlords want to maintain their power, why won't the warlords allow opium to be raised because it provides money to the farmers and keeps them in power?
PRES. KARZAI: We began two and a half years ago where there was no government. The institutions were completely destroyed. In two and a half years' time, we have had the bond process. We've had the grand council, the Loya Jirga, to elect a government. We've had the grand council to create a constitution, which we did. We are now going to the next stage, which is elections. This country is moving forward. But this country has problems, too, to overcome, and we will continue to have many, many problems as we keep building ourselves.
Drugs is one of the most serious problems that occur in Afghanistan. Warlordism, as you said, is another serious problem that we have in Afghanistan. We, the Afghan people, want to get rid of them. The common Afghan man and woman that come to see me every day in my office, they ask me to get rid of these difficulties for them, especially the drugs and warlordism. And I hope the international community will stand stronger with us on both these problems.
MR. RUSSERT: But with the warlords and the drug traffickers, but for the United States' government, could you possibly stay in power?
PRES. KARZAI: Without the presence of the United States forces in Afghanistan, without the presence of the international community in Afghanistan, without the presence of the ISAF in Afghanistan, Afghanistan will not be in good shape. That is why the Afghan people keep asking for more of the International Security Assistance Forces in Afghanistan. That is why the Afghan people are asking for the deployment of NATO coalitions. That's why the Afghan people have embraced the arrival of the United States of America in Afghanistan for its liberation, because they know that we need international assistance in order to build our institutions over time, in order to build a national army, in order to build a national police. And before Afghanistan can stand on its own feet, it will be many years from now.
Whatever the validity of taking out the Taliban, because of its ties to Al Qaeda, it is clear that no thought was given to the long-term consequences of US intervention. The complicity of the US in the emergence of a warlord-dominated Narcostate in Afghanistan to"stabilize" that regime is a sobering lesson. The lessons yet to come from"nation building" in Iraq might make the Afghanistan experience pale in comparison.
Roderick T. Long
William Saletan of Slate has compiled a chronological series of quotations from Bush, Rumsfeld, etc., showing how, even as the abuses at Abu Ghraib were becoming public knowledge, the Administration continued to mouth the line that U.S. troops had forever rid Iraq of"torture chambers and rape rooms." (Thanks to Charles Johnson for the link.)
What ever happened to the Republicans who were so outraged by Clinton's lies about his sex life? Their capacity for indignation seems to have mellowed a bit.
David T. Beito
Certainly, Ralph has a right to call our claim all wet (or even to speculate if we deserve a suite in the Shady Rest Sanitarium for the treatment of revisionmania). However, it is worthy of note that he did not even try to refute the specifics of our argument, much less address them. Which argumentative approach better fits the methods of an ideologue?
David T. Beito
They often neglect to point out, however, that elections for the Japanese Diet were held in April 1946, only eight months after Hiroshima! Yet, such elections will not be held in Iraq until next year. Why the difference? Defenders of the occupation claim that it is purely a matter of logistics but Juan Cole makes a strong case that all-Iraq elections were entirely feasible in 2003.
Keith Halderman
However, in a book titled Reassessing the Presidency: The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom, edited by John V. Denson and published by the Mises Institute, someone did use a measurable basis to rate presidential performance. In the tome’s first essay, “Rating Presidential Performance”, Richard Vedder and Lowell Gallaway used data on federal government spending as a percent of total output along with size of government and inflation to determine the standing of each President. In their ranking based on federal spending Harding came in third and FDR came in dead last and in the one using size of government and inflation Warren Harding came in first.
Yet, it seems that to the majority of the historical profession if America was at peace and the people were prosperous then the President must have been a bad one.
David T. Beito
I have been also been scanning microfilm of the Chicago Defender from 1933 to 1936 and have already found some fascinating references to the New Deal, much of it negative. Some show a perceptive understanding of the political economy of discrimination. Of particular interest are a series of hard hitting cartoons by L. Rogers.
One of the them is titled"How the South Interprets the New Deal." In the first panel, it shows a man speaking to his wife,"Dear, the Old Factory is Now a Member of the 'NRA' which means better wages and better hours!" The next panel depicts a crowd of men arriving to the factory for work. On the door is this sign:"UNDER THE 'NRA' THIS FACTORY SHALL ADVANCE WAGES AND MINIMIZE HOURS OF ALL EMPLOYEES. HENCEFORTH WE SHALL EMPLOY WHITE HELP ONLY." A giant question mark is shown over the crowd of confused men.
I would like to find out more about L. Rogers.
Does anybody have additional suggestions on how to approach the topic of New Deal or Raw Deal for Blacks?
Roderick T. Long
I've spent the past week teaching at the Mises University, and the weekend before that at a Liberty Fund conference in Milwaukee (a surprisingly beautiful city, by the way). Hence the eerie lull in my blogging; things should pick up now.
On my return from Milwaukee I found the following red-white-and-blue love-note in my checked luggage:
NOTIFICATION OF BAGGAGE INSPECTIONThe note closes by thanking me (rather presumptuously) for my"understanding and cooperation."
To protect you and your fellow passengers, the Transport Security Administration (TSA) is required by law to inspect all checked baggage. As part of this process, some bags are opened and physically inspected. Your bag was among those selected for physical inspection.
During the inspection, your bag and its contents may have been searched for prohibited items. At the completion of the inspection, the contents were returned to your bag, which was resealed.
If the TSA screener was unable to open your bag for inspection because it was locked, the screener may have been forced to break the locks on your bag. TSA sincerely regrets having to do this, and has taken care to reseal your bag upon completion of inspection. However, TSA is not liable for damage to your locks resulting from this necessary security precaution.
On the reverse of the note, the same message is repeated in Spanish, except that the footnote identifying the relevant statute (Section 110(b) of the Aviation and Transportation Security Act of 2001, 49 U.S.C. § 44901(c)-(e), if you're curious) has been omitted (though not the footnote marker), as has the cryptic slogan"Smart Security Saves Time."
What a bunch of lies. The TSA is not"required by law" to inspect my baggage, since no statute in conflict with the Fourth Amendment has any validity as law. Had my baggage been locked (it wasn’t), the TSA screener would not have been"forced" to damage my property; where's the"force"? Nor is there any reason to suppose that the TSA"sincerely regrets" any of this. If folks at the TSA really are agonising over their participation in warrantless searches, they are free to quit any time and start looking for honest work.
Keith Halderman
I believe that the police in Detroit and Los Angles should take note of how the Portuguese police are planning to avert possible violence in connection with a soccer match between England and France, which will take place in Lisbon. Law enforcement plans to crack down on alcohol use with officers at the stadium giving fans who seem drunken breath tests. Those who fail may be refused entry.
There also is a second element in the Portuguese plan. The British newspaper The Sun reports that fans who are seen smoking marijuana “have been assured they will not be arrested, cautioned — or even have their drugs confiscated.” Lisbon officials are implementing this strategy because ”Dutch police used a similar policy in Euro 2000 and England’s hooligan element were too stoned to fight.”
This story nicely illustrates the point that one of the prices we pay in this country for marijuana prohibition is increased violence both public and private. You cannot be anti-marijuana without being pro-alcohol.
Sheldon Richman
Sheldon Richman
Persaud is impressed by the work of researchers Andreas Bartels and Semir Zeki:
This is a profound finding in the history of our attempts to understand this most profound and powerful human emotion. It means neuroscience finally explains a puzzle that has flummoxed artists from Shakespeare to Sinatra attempting to interpret love, which is why we can't see the faults in our partners or children which others can clearly perceive, and as a result find our affection mysterious. It also explains why we take so long to finally see the flaws in those we idealise because of our love, and which means we can end up choosing the wrong person to commit to. (Emphasis added.)A profound finding that explains a puzzle? How could it be, when in fact it is no explanation at all for why people behave a particular way? It’s reductionism, not explanation—like"explaining" why houses are built by reference to the physics of hammering nails into wood and other such processes.
Undoubtedly parts of the brain activate and de-activate when we look at our romantic partners and our children. And at some level it’s interesting to know which parts do which. But having that information is not the same as understanding love; nor does it explain the alleged “puzzle” over why we “can’t see” our lovers’ and children’s faults. Is that generalization even true? Are we blind to the faults, or do we simply accept them as the price paid for greater perceived benefits? The entire research program seems to be based on a flawed premise. Whatever the case, what is the puzzle? Strong emotions can influence or cloud judgment, although with effort people are capable of achieving a reasonable degree of objectivity. They do it routinely.
It’s not so much the neuroscientific findings that I’m interested in challenging, but the interpretation of the findings, which is not a matter of neuroscience at all. Bartels and Zeki put the cart before the horse. Obviously we use our brains when we act or think or feel emotions. And that’s the point. We use our brains. Our brains don’t use us. Of course we don’t directly activate or de-activate this or that area of our brains in the same way that we move our limbs. But we indirectly do so when we engage in various activities. When a man thinks of his wife or children, no doubt he causes some parts of his brain to change from their previous state. But the changes do not explain what he has done, what he experiences, or why, no more than the laws of electricity explain why I wish to illuminate my house. Nor do the changes explain why he ignores or fails to notice their faults. The words relevant to an explanation are “intend,” “choose,” “value,” and the like, not “pre-frontal cortex” and “magnetic resonance imaging.” That is, the explanation lies in the realms of praxeology (the study of the formal features of human action qua choice), psychology, and biography, not neurophysiology. We cannot hope to understand persons (as opposed to bodies) if we bypass the first three disciplines and focus on the last.
This has important ethical and political implications, because the more that neuroscience eclipses praxeology and psychology in “explaining” human action, the more individual liberty is threatened. After all, it is the pseudo-explanations of bad behavior via mental illness/brain disorder that permit state-deputized physicians to preventively detain and/or drug persons who have committed no crimes and to excuse from responsibility others who have. (For more see Thomas Szasz’s books Insanity: The Idea and Its Consequences and The Meaning of Mind: Language, Morality, and Neuroscience.)
David T. Beito
As usual, getting the U.S. into a war seems to be the best guarantee that a president will be highly ranked. Lincoln, FDR, Harry Truman, Polk, and Woodrow Wilson were rated either"great" or"near great."
But the survey had some pleasant surprises, at least for me. Cleveland (in my view a"great") was rated 12 ("above average"), ahead of Madison, Monroe, and Kennedy. Coolidge and Van Buren, two of my other choices for"great" or"near great," were confined to the"average" category.
The worst disappointment was that Warren G. Harding was ranked second to last (38) just ahead of James Buchanan (39) in the"failure" category.
An closer look at Harding's record shows that he merits"near great," possibly"great," status. He cut taxes, retrenched on government spending, ended the Red Scare by releasing Woodrow Wilson's political prisoners, and presided over economic prosperity. His cabinet appointments were generally first rate and included Charles Evans Hughes and Andrew Mellon. He signed one of the most far-reaching arms limitations in American history, the Washington Naval Treaty. Lastly, he had a relatively good civil rights record and supported a federal anti-lynching bill. The civil rights record of his"near great" predecessor, Woodrow Wilson, by contrast, was atrocious.
Have I convinced you yet? Here are some more reasons. He wisely refused to intervene in the depression of 1921 and 1922, thus making it short and relatively painless. Harding was also a modest man (in this respect anticipating Harry Truman) who freely expressed his limitations. He had a self-effacing and disarming sense of humor (a la Reagan). When rumors spread that Harding's ancestry was"tainted with Negro blood," he joked that he wouldn't be surprised if some of his forebearers went"over the fence."
The corruption of the Harding admininistration was quite real, but no more serious than that which characterized many of the"great" and"near great" presidents. Moreover, in contrast to several of these presidents, Harding himself was not personally involved. In fact, when he first heard about the first evidence of illegality shortly before his death he responded with outrage and a desire to root it out.
Robert H. Ferrell has exploded many of the popular myths about the Harding scandals in his well-written and balanced book, The Strange Deaths of President Harding. It is an excellent starting point for scholars who want to learn more about the much maligned Warren G. Harding.
Gene Healy
Warren G. Harding receives the most undeservedly rough treatment of any president examined. From a classical liberal perspective, Harding was arguably the greatest president of the twentieth century. He initiated the largest spending cut in history—a 40 percent reduction from Wilson’s last peacetime budget. And Harding’s good nature and liberal instincts led him to overrule his political advisers and pardon Socialist presidential candidate Eugene Debs. Debs had been jailed during Wilson’s jihad against opponents of World War I, but Harding turned him and other dissenters loose; “I want [Debs] to eat his Christmas dinner with his wife,” he said. The scandals surrounding Harding’s administration push him near the top of Miller’s hit list. But, as Miller notes, he never took “so much as a nickel” from any of his corrupt cronies.
Chris Matthew Sciabarra
Just yesterday, while watching the Capitol Rotunda Memorial Service for Ronald Reagan, I was very touched by a stirring rendition of"America the Beautiful" by the Air Force's Singing Sergeants. I remembered being touched like this before upon hearing a very different and deeply soulful rendition by the great Ray Charles.
Another day, another passing. Ray Charles, 73, an American institution, a vocalist and instrumentalist who spanned jazz, pop, gospel, blues, early rock 'n roll, and country, has died.
I'll miss you, Brother Ray.
Arthur Silber
Once upon a time, when the world was a bit younger and the shoe was on the other foot, Miss Peggy Noonan wrote this:
MEMOHmm. It does make you wonder if Noonan has thought about this column at all this week, as she commutes from show to show, to show, to show, to show, to show...to talk about Reagan...and politics. Who woulda thunk it. You can read an astute analysis of the nature of Noonan's argument about the Wellstone memorial, an argument of a type offered frequently by conservatives, here.To: Democrats
From: Paul Wellstone
Date: Oct 30, 2002
My friends, I miss you and send you love.
That memorial rally was . . . something. I watched it from where I am, in the place beyond. It's wonderful here. You'll be amazed at what I think is one of the best parts. Two words: No politics. I love it. Who knew?
But we have to talk. I know what you were trying to do the other night, or what you sort of meant to do. But it was bad. ...
You hurt a lot of people. You didn't mean to, you meant to be Happy Warriors. But you offended and hurt and antagonized more than half the country. And you have to think about why.
Here, I think, is the reason: a dulling of the senses, a kind of despair that has led you to let politics completely take over your lives. That's the reason you treated a reflective and loving occasion as . . . well, as a big vulgar whomp-'em-stomp-'em rally with jeers and cheers and my casket as the stump from which you lambasted the foe.
This is what I feel you have to think about. You can make your life sick and small, you can fill it with poison, when you turn everything into politics. And what makes me sad is not that you used my death to get out the vote. It's not that you were cold. It's that the only way you could show any warmth was through politics.
That memorial was the triumph of politics at the expense of the personal. At the expense of what makes you human.
Now, Charles Pierce exacts some well-deserved revenge, wielding Noonan's own arsenal against her:
My friend, I miss you and send you love.Aw, just read the whole thing.The week has been ... something. I watched it from where I am, in the place beyond. It's wonderful here. I'm working as a lifeguard again, and I love it. It's a little crowded, though, and an awful lot of people seem to want to talk to me, which I'll get to in a minute. But first you and I have to talk. I know what you were trying to do all week, or what you sort of meant to be doing. But, Peg, it's been bad.
Peg. Please, for the love of God -- who's in the next hammock, by the way? -- shut the hell up. ...
Peg, I have to tell you, I know things now that I didn't fully know before. First of all, most of that “family values” stuff is bunk. Really. You'd be amazed at how few people up here actually care that somebody's ass is showing on HBO. And if that judge down in Alabama thinks he's got his ticket punched because he put up a two-ton 10 Commandments where it didn't belong, he's got another think coming, I'll tell you. You should hear Aquinas and St. Augustine laughing at Pat Robertson. They all get together to watch the 700 Club the way kids used to get together to watch the Stooges. Even old Luther cracks a smile, and he's the grimmest guy I've met since Andropov. ...
Tell them to stop, Peg. I mean, really. Tell them to stop. That building in Washington is big and ugly. I don't want to be on the dime, if only because my Dad told me while we were walking along the river last night that it would really bother him if I bumped FDR. And I've gotten to like Hamilton. He took the whole Contra thing in stride, and we go riding together a lot. He likes being on the $10 bill, had me explain to him why it was called a"sawbuck." He really wants to stay there, and that’s just fine. Tell Grover that, OK? I'd tell him myself but… ah, I don't think I'll be seeing him, if you know what I mean.
You, too, Peg.
Steven Horwitz
Courtesy of Andrew Sullivan, I found this story on a group of fundamentalist Christians who are trying to get 12,000 followers to move to South Carolina in order to change the political face of the state and eventually secede, creating their own little Christian country. (Do they have enough literary sense, and too little sense of irony, to name it Gilead?) Two quick comments:
1. Reading this story is a good reminder of what some folks on the Christian Right really think about how the world should be. Gays, alcoholics, fornicators, and secular humanists beware:
"Well on one hand I kinda favor a 'don't ask, don't tell' policy. But should homosexuals speak up, they should be deported, sanctioned, or held in jail," said one person, discussing whether their new "country" should endorse or permit lifestyles they believe go against biblical teachings.
Other visitors had ideas on what laws might be applicable in their new South Carolina home. "No alcohol sold on Sundays at all. All entries into the town would be policed with random checks for alcohol abuse, breathalyzers mandatory. No places of business open on Sundays. All schools, public, private or otherwise would teach creation, have the Ten commandments placed and say prayer before classes start. No landlords allowed to rent to couples just living together ... Abortion would not be legal in any circumstance."
As the news report is careful to note, these sort of views were not uniform among those discussing this idea, but those folks are out there. When I teach first-year students how to use and evaluate Web sources when doing research, I tell them that because they can only know so much about who's behind a website, they should always assume the worst until they have evidence for the better. That's my attitude about the Christian Right as well, and it's why I've never understood for an instant why libertarians/classical liberals see anything to gain by cultivating relationships with those folks. (Okay fine, I'll give you school choice, but that's about it.) When I hear "Christian Right," I'll think of those who want to "deport" gays from their new country until I see convincing evidence to the contrary.
2. As the reporter also notes, this is very similar to the Free State Project where libertarians are moving to New Hampshire in order to remake it in their own image. One difference is that the Free State folks don't want to secede from the US (yet?), while the Commanders and their Wives do. Still the parallels are there, and the Free Staters might have been an inspiration.
I've never found the Free Staters' argument the least bit compelling. As deeply as I care about making the world a better place by making it a more libertarian one, what ultimately matters for creating a meaningful life is one's family, friends, and work. I'm not about to uproot from a job I love, with co-workers and friends who mean much to me, in order to try to make a political statement of that sort. I respect those who have made that commitment, but count me out.
It does, however, say something interesting that the Christian Right and radical libertarians both feel so disaffected from American politics and policies that they would contemplate such eerily similar solutions.
David T. Beito
Donald J. Boudreaux
I recall perusing this text and reading in it that one of the benefits that Ronald Reagan enjoyed during his first term as president – a benefit that eluded Jimmy Carter – was that the gasoline shortages that marked the 1970s stopped occurring in the 1980s. Shi and Tindall wrote of this fact as if it were a merely lucky happenstance for Reagan’s presidency.
I agree completely Arnold Kling (at http://econlog.econlib.org/archives/000486.html) that “Reagan's greatest economic policy was the decontrol of oil prices.” Reagan decontrolled oil and natural-gas prices almost immediately upon moving into the White House. No sustained shortage of these things has since reared its ugly head in the United States.
Anyone who writes of these shortages, and their disappearance, as if these phenomena were forces of nature is an economic ignoramus of the first fiber. Reagan, for all of his imperfections, saved Americans from the wholly unnecessary and extraordinarily costly and counterproductive price-caps that juvenile minds believe to work magic.
David T. Beito
In more recent years, however, I have pretty thrown off all previous restraints. After all, aren't universities supposed to be about free and open discussion? Moreover, some colleagues did not hesitate to put up political material that appeared to be based on nothing more than anti-free market urban legends. Currently, on my door and in the surrounding area, I have the articles on the racist roots of gun control, showing the growth of the federal government, quotes from Albert Jay Nock and, my favorite, a cartoon from an old issue of Liberty showing a frustrated pharaoh looking at a bearded prophet holding a staff. The caption reads"How come you never talk about what's right with Egypt?"
My colleagues' doors abound in Bush bashing, blasts at Republican racism, laments about tax cuts for"the rich," and calls for gun control. Since they are also antiwar (or, at least, anti-Bush's war), I rarely put up anything on the Iraq issue. Hence, I suppose they regard me as the departmental reactionary....or worse.
David T. Beito
"Are our great universities abandoning the study of the American Revolution and the Founding Fathers? It looks like they are. Two of the leaders in colonial- and revolutionary-era scholarship, Bernard Bailyn at Harvard and Gordon Wood at Brown are being replaced by historians with no apparent interest in the Revolution and the founding." Read the rest here.
I am not sure about the extent of this trend nationally but it is certainly true at the University of Alabama. With the partial exception of one person who writes on American military history, we no longer have a specialist on the founders as such or American political and intellectual history in the eighteenth century.

