Chris Matthew Sciabarra
As a follow-up to my posts on important changes in Iran, take a look at Nicholas Kristof's ongoing series in today's NY Times. In"Velvet Hand, Iron Glove," Kristof inadvertently makes a Hayekian-friendly point about how the radical dispersal of knowledge and information is contributing to the unraveling of a repressive regime. As people get information from sources other than the regime, that regime becomes more unstable. The Iranian press may not be"free," but the proliferation of the Internet, blogs, and satellite TV is having an insidious effect on the regime's legitimacy.
As Kristof puts it, if the Iranian theocracy constituted
an efficient police state, it might survive. But it's not. It cracks down episodically, tossing dissidents in prison and occasionally even murdering them (like a Canadian-Iranian journalist last year). But Iran doesn't control information—partly because satellite television is ubiquitous, if illegal—and people mostly get away with scathing criticism as long as they do not organize against the government.
Kristof continues to maintain
that the Iranian regime is destined for the ash heap of history. An unpopular regime can survive if it is repressive enough, but Iran's hard-liners don't imprison their critics consistently enough to instill terror. ... In the end, I find Iran a hopeful place. Ordinary people are proving themselves irrepressible, and they will triumph someday and forge a glistening example of a Muslim country that is a pro-American democracy in the Middle East.
Pat Lynch
The face of the American intelligence apparatus can change over time from J. Edgar Hoover to George"Slam Dunk" Tenet. However the disturbing indifference to simple moral rules should give us all tremendous reluctance to believe just about anything that comes out of the mouths of the American"Intelligence" community.
David T. Beito
I am a member of that organization as is my fellow L and P blogger Charles W. Nuckolls. We greatly appreciate the help from FIRE. The campus administration here is worse than most.
Radley Balko
Funny how attitudes change when the provocation comes from the news media instead of Republican foreign policy.
The latest meme from the pro-war side says that the media -- 60 Minutes in particular -- should have sat on the Abu Ghraib pictures because airing them has inflamed the Muslim world, and will likely spark retribution against U.S. troops and American citizens -- see Nick Berg.
Jonah Goldberg's latest column contains this sentence:
"Well, CBS' scoop has gotten someone killed and there will be more deaths, on both sides, as a result of this story before it becomes history.Goldberg and others have suggested that a simple description of the pictures and abuses would have been sufficient, without airing the photos. I disagree.
Human rights groups have been reporting abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo for months. The military has known about Abu Ghraib since January. We heard nothing of any courts martial between then and now. Then, less than a week after 60 Minutes broke the story, the Pentagon announces the first round of charges. I doubt that's mere coincidence.
These charges against the press are all the odder considering that conservatives were quick to point out after the abuses came to light that we're different from Iraq and much of the rest of the Middle East in that we expose these kinds of things, we throw light on them, and we then hold responsible those who were accountible (I agree, by the way). You can't make that point, then follow up with an argument against releasing the photos to the public in the first place.
The pictures were needed to get our attention, which was necessary for us to demand accountability from our government and our military.
I don't doubt that those pictures will further inflame Muslim ire. I don't doubt that they'll get plenty more Americans killed. But that abuse -- even filmed and taped abuse -- would crop up somewhere in a fighting force of some 130,000 troops was inevitable. Just the law of averages that you'll get some bad eggs. Our military and political leaders should have anticipated and calculated that risk into the original decision to invade Iraq. War is ugly. It spawns ugly pictures. Ugly pictures don't win us friends. Which is (merely one reason) why we ought to be awfully selective about when and where we go to war in the first place.
It's looking more and more like the abuses at Abu Ghraib were far more widespread than we'd like to believe. Reports of the latest round of pictures suggest that the abuse wasn't the result of expressed or implied military policy, but of massive, wholesale dereliction of duty and lack of supervision from commanding officers. We had truck drivers, restaurant managers, and auto mechanics supervising POWs and captured combatants -- folks with little or no training whatsoever in what they were being asked to do. Anyone who's taken a 100-level psych course has read about the Stanford Prison Experiment. Why were these people assigned to guard the prison? Are we stretched that thin?
But I digress.
My point here is that actions either have consequences, or they don't. If CBS should have considered anti-American blowback when deciding whether or not to air those photos, our elected leaders ought to keep the same thing in mind when deciding to what extent we should fund/support Israel, what Arab country we ought to invade next, and when and where to position our troops in the Middle East.
It's unfathomable to me that considering how our actions might resonate with people who don't much like us should factor into whether news executives decide to hold our military accountable, but not into how, when, and where we use that same military in the first place.
Radley Balko
Consumers' attorneys across the nation have begun to target the alcoholic beverage industry, filing lawsuits that claim that some leading brewers and distillers are using slick advertising to sell products to underage drinkers.The CAMY and CASA studies the anti-alcohol lawyers are basing their suits on are complete bosh, and I discussed and debunked both in my neoprohibition paper.Lawsuits filed since November in Ohio, California, North Carolina, Colorado and Washington, D.C., appear modeled after cases that were brought against the tobacco industry beginning in the mid-1980s. Those suits focused on youth-oriented ads and sought huge damages for tens of thousands of underage smokers and their parents. The tobacco lawsuits led to a settlement in 1998 in which tobacco companies agreed to pay $246 billion to state governments to cover health care costs and other smoking-related expenses.
Radley Balko
Read here, here, here, and here.
At first, I thought this was the stuff of your usual nutso conspiracy theorists. But it's looking more and more like there are some decidedly weird angles to this story.
UPDATE: In the comments section of my website,"Dave" points to this bizarre bit from a CNN story on one of the court martialled soldiers in Abu Ghraib:
Paul Bergrin, attorney for Davis, said his client was ordered to do what he did, but denied Davis" committed any criminal acts."I guess that might lend some support to the circulating conspiracy theories....Davis' superiors, Bergrin said, told the specialist it was important to"break the prisoners" in order to"save the lives of innocent soldiers on the outside and civilians and individuals like Nicholas Berg."
Berg was the Pennsylvania businessman whose beheading was posted on a Web page this week. The Abu Ghraib abuses depicted in the photographs took place last fall.
Of course, it could also mean that Davis should get himself a competent lawyer.
Gene Healy
The platoon - a small, highly trained unit of 45 paratroopers created to spy on enemy forces - violently lost control between May and November, 1967.
For seven months, Tiger Force soldiers moved across the Central Highlands, killing scores of unarmed civilians - in some cases torturing and mutilating them - in a spate of violence never revealed to the American public.
They dropped grenades into underground bunkers where women and children were hiding - creating mass graves - and shot unarmed civilians, in some cases as they begged for their lives.
They frequently tortured and shot prisoners, severing ears and scalps for souvenirs.
... William Doyle, a former Tiger Force sergeant now living in Missouri, said he killed so many civilians he lost count.
"We were living day to day. We didn't expect to live. Nobody out there with any brains expected to live," he said in a recent interview."So you did any goddamn thing you felt like doing - especially to stay alive. The way to live is to kill because you don't have to worry about anybody who's dead."
Time and again, Tiger Force soldiers talked about the executions of captured soldiers - so many, investigators were hard pressed to place a number on the toll.
In June, Pvt. Sam Ybarra slit the throat of a prisoner with a hunting knife before scalping him - placing the scalp on the end of a rifle, soldiers said in sworn statements. Ybarra refused to talk to Army investigators about the case.
...
Former platoon medic Larry Cottingham told investigators:"There was a period when just about everyone had a necklace of ears."
Records show soldiers began another gruesome practice: Kicking out the teeth of dead civilians for their gold fillings.
As the Blade establishes, much of this was known--and known at the highest levels. The Army undertook a 4 1/2 year investigation--an investigation that the White House, including John Dean, received briefings on. But the Army purposely squelched any attempt at disciplinary action.
I keep hearing about what a disloyal jackass John Kerry is for telling lurid tales of wartime atrocities when he returned from Vietnam. But for all the tall tales and amplified rumors he traded in, it's worth remembering that things like this went on. If what we've seen so far at Abu Ghraib is the worst prisoner-abuse to emerge from this war, we can count ourselves and the Iraqis lucky.
I don't mean to wax Chomskyite. There's no military force on the planet I'd feel safer surrendering to in wartime. We are and have nearly always been better than our wartime enemies. But at bottom, we're made of the same raw material.
David T. Beito
As I have said, sometimes when digging a hole, it is best to climb out rather than keep digging.
Pat Lynch
All of this reminds me, strangely, of a book Sam Smith wrote about the Chicago Bulls in the early 1990's with Michael Jordan. In The Jordan Rules Smith recalled an incident at Bulls practice in which Jordan punched out a teammate prompting the Bulls to close practices for"privacy" reasons. His explanation"we can't let people see this stuff."
People have a right to know what government employees are doing to Iraqis we are supposedly trying to help. Failure to release those photos violates the most fundamental duty of an elected government - to be responsible to us, their alleged bosses.
Pat Lynch
David T. Beito
For a recent example, see John Derbyshire's cynical vent on Abu Ghraib at The Corner on National Review Online:"Good. Kick one for me. But bad discipline in the military (taking the pictures, I mean). Let's have a couple of courts martial for appearance's sake. Maximum sentence: 30 days CB."
Steven Horwitz
Chris Matthew Sciabarra
I've made countless references to World War I and Wilsonianism in my blogging at L&P. Today's parallel comes via the Mises Economics Blog (thanks Jeff Tucker) and FEE. Check out a fine article on the"War Boom," which appeared in Monday's Washington Post. Of particular interest is this reality:
In inflation-adjusted terms, the war's cost will surpass the United States' $199 billion share of World War I sometime next year. Coming on top of three major tax cuts, that spending will drive the federal budget deficit to more than $400 billion this year. That borrowing will eventually have to be repaid in higher taxes or reduced government services and benefits.
I'm so happy that Bush campaigned last time as a"fiscal conservative." Let's see what new euphemisms the administration can invent for"fiscal irresponsibility" as the 2004 campaign takes shape.
Chris Matthew Sciabarra
The youth have even revolted against beards in a way that is reminiscent of the generation of Peter the Great (who, in his quest to Westernize Russia, actually imposed taxes and license fees on the unshaven in his war on orthodox religion). Well, at least this generation's fight is against any government intrusions of this sort.
Kristoff concludes:
There's a useful lesson here for George Bush's America as well as for the ayatollahs' Iran: when a religion is imposed on people, when a government tries too ostentatiously to put itself"under God," the effect is often not to prop up religious faith but to undermine it. Nothing is more lethal to religious faith than having self-righteous, intolerant politicians (who wince at nose studs) drag God into politics.
David T. Beito
Arthur Silber
I know these have been an extraordinarily difficult couple of weeks for you, and I'm very sorry about that. The unending fighting in Iraq after we've been there for over a year, the accelerating race to the June 30 deadline -- even though we don't seem to have the slightest idea who or what it is we're going to be turning"sovereignty" over to or what the hell that"sovereignty" might consist of, the inability of our Secretary of Defense to figure out even what the military chain of command might be (you'd think he'd at least know that, right, since he is the Secretary of Defense and all? -- but maybe he doesn't want to go into it too much, since it appears that chain might lead to, whaddya know, General"Satan Is Our Enemy" Boykin), and then those pictures from Abu Ghraib. And we're told there are much worse photos to come: of rape, and perhaps even of murder.
Into this very demoralizing mix came the video of the beheading of Nick Berg. And in an odd, disturbing way, while you proclaimed the horror and revulsion that we all feel at this particularly barbaric death, it almost seemed that this stomach-churning snuff video provided a much-needed sense of justification for the policies you support. As White House press secretary Scott McClellan said," It shows the true nature of the enemies of freedom. They have no regard for the lives of innocent men, women and children. We will pursue those who are responsible and bring them to justice." (Some people, meanwhile, had a somewhat more clinical and even self-admittedly cold view of Mr. Berg's fate. Whatever one might think of that perspective, at least it is grounded in facts, which seems to be more than can be asked of many others at this particular moment.)
And our philosopher-king President says that,"[t]here is no justification for the brutal execution of Nicholas Berg, no justification whatsoever," as if we might not realize that on our own.
Mr. Bush, Mr. McClellan and many other warhawks seem to offer such statements as if to remind us, and themselves, of how savage and brutal"the enemies of freedom" actually are. Um, excuse me. We knew that, didn't we? We knew that on 9/11, when they flew airplanes into buildings, and killed almost 3,000 of us, correct? That's why they're our enemies and why we're at war with them, right?
But, as unspeakably uncivilized as it may be for me to name this (although perhaps not as uncivilized as the fact itself), from the point of view of the public debate about where we are at this moment in our foreign adventures, Mr. Berg's horrifying death seemed almost propitious. While most people were properly and justifiably horrified at the abuses of prisoners in Iraq, you now proclaim with moral righteousness:"See? See? Rush Limbaugh is right! Compared to beheadings, those prison abuses really are just like frat house hazing incidents! Our guys were just blowing off steam and having a good time! But those people are really, really bad! We're not bad like them!"
Is this truly where you have arrived? Is this genuinely the moral argument you are now reduced to? We proclaim war on the terrorists precisely because they are murderous savages, who want nothing more than to kill as many of us as they can, in the most brutal ways imaginable, and now we justify our own mistakes, miscalculations and disastrous lack of planning and accountability by noting that we're not as bad as the people we proclaimed war on to begin with?
I think you need to reconsider this. If we are actually fighting for freedom and the value of human life, I think you need to offer a moral perspective which is a bit more inspiring than that represented by this kind of argument. The fact that we're not as bad as barbaric savages doesn't quite cut it.
And perhaps you ought to rethink just what the hell it is we're actually doing in Iraq -- not what you might hope we're doing, but what we're actually doing. There is a difference, and that difference becomes more apparent to much of the rest of the world every day. We aren't exactly winning friends by insisting on pursuing our present course to the bitter end. And this time, the end could be very bitter indeed.
I don't think that's what you really want, is it? I certainly hope not.
You might want to rethink as well your adoption of all those arguments you used to reject: cultural determinism and moral relativism, to name just two. It doesn't fill the rest of us with confidence to see you so desperate to cling to the moral high ground by your fingernails that you use the arguments of the people you used to ridicule and condemn every single day. It makes us think that maybe your moral center has been temporarily misplaced.
Anyway, these are just a few thoughts I thought I'd pass along on this morning filled with very depressing news. I don't expect any of you to adopt these suggestions, but I wanted to offer them anyway.
And I truly am glad that we're not as bad as Al Qaeda. That clears up a lot of things for me, and I'm sure I'll sleep much better tonight as a result. Thanks for that.
Cordially,
Arthur Silber
(Cross-posted at The Light of Reason.)
Sheldon Richman
If you wish in the world to advance,
Your merits you're bound to enhance,
You must stir it and stump it,
And blow your own trumpet,
Or, trust me, you haven't a chance!
So here goes: A page of links to my writings on psychiatric and medical issues has been added to the Thomas S. Szasz Cybercenter for Liberty and Responsibility website. The specific page is here.
Gene Healy
* Terrorism that's mostly low-tech, yet nonetheless terrifying; bus bombings, buildings levelled (including FBI counterterrorism headquarters) and no supervillain WMD;
* Terrorism that's decentralized and cellular, and that feeds off of military attempts to neutralize it:"Is this the last cell?""There is no last cell!!"
* Terrorists that make no demands for concessions and no attempt to negotiate, but simply seek to kill as many Americans as possible, as visibly as possible;
* Calls to repeal the Posse Comitatus Act--opposed, but nonetheless acquiesced to, by the military establishment;
* Annette Bening protesting to bad guy Samir that"Islam is a religion of peace!" and getting punched in the face for her trouble;
By the time they show the Army interrogating a jihadist and having the Dershowitz debate with considerably less moral agonizing, I'd have been floored if I wasn't already couched. The guy's tied to a chair, naked.
Sure, the notion of the FBI as the guarantor of our liberties and the American way of life was tough to credit. But otherwise, I can't think of another major motion picture that got so many predictions so right.
One wrong note: In contrast with the events of 9/11, many of the terrorists are Iraqis, enraged by U.S. foreign policy. But here again, it may be prescient.
David T. Beito
Hopefully, it is a sign that pro-war conservatives and libertarians are beginning to rediscover the insights offered by the libertarian and classical liberal antiwar tradition (which many of them once advocated). It is especially a good time to gain a a renewed appreciation on how Hayek's insights about the"fatal conceit" and unintended consequences can be applied equally (if not more so) to social planning by the state in foreign policy via efforts such as nation building.
However, Levy's proposal to respond by sending even more troops strikes me as totally misguided and counterprouductive. It is akin to the common rationale put forward by defenders of the Great Society e.g."we would have won the war on poverty if we had spent more money."
Sometimes, it makes more sense to climb out of the hole rather than keep digging. If the current deployment of of 135K troops (which Levy deems to be inadequate) has only coincided with worsening problems in Iraq, it certainly does not follow that things will improve if we send even more troops. In fact, given the past record, it would be more plausible to conclude that a policy of throwing more money and troops at the problem will worsen the situation.
Isn't it, after all, a fundamental insight of libertarians on most issues that responding with more intervention to cure the mistakes caused by previous interventions will probably backfire?
Roderick T. Long
The current (June 2004) issue of Reason magazine carries the following letter to the editor. (I've restored my original formatting, plus a section -- marked in brackets -- that Reason deleted for space.)
To the Editor:One clarification: while I agree with Kant’s indictment of the consequentialist conception of morality as an instrumental strategy for promoting human welfare, I disagree with his remedy. For Kant, the solution is to sever the connection between morality and human welfare entirely; I instead follow the classical Greek tradition in tying the two together more closely, making morality an essential component of human welfare rather than a mere external means to it. For details see my book Reason and Value: Aristotle versus Rand; my articles Egoism and Anarchy and Why Does Justice Have Good Consequences?; and my review of Leland Yeager's Ethics As Social Science.
In"Coercion vs. Consent" (March), Randy Barnett writes that"there are very few libertarians today for whom consequences are not ultimately the reason why they believe in liberty," while Richard Epstein cheerfully agrees that libertarians are"all consequentialists now."
Fortunately, it is not true that we libertarians are all consequentialists now. I say"fortunately," because consequentialism is philosophically indefensible as a normative theory.
The basic problem with consequentialism is that it recognizes no limit in principle on what can be done to people in order to promote good consequences.
Now consequentialists insist that in the vast majority of cases, killing, torturing, or enslaving innocent people is not the best way to get good results. And of course they are right about that. But by the logic of their position the consistent consequentialist (happily a rara avis) must always be open to the possibility that killing, torturing, or enslaving the innocent might be called for under special circumstances, and this recognition necessarily taints the character of even one's ordinary relations to other people.
[If the only reason I do not steal is that I'm afraid of being caught, then how am I morally superior to the thief? Likewise, if the only reason I don't slaughter my neighbors is that doing so happens not to maximize social utility at the moment, then how am I morally superior to a mass murderer?]
As Immanuel Kant pointed out more than two centuries ago, to subordinate -- or even to be prepared to subordinate -- one's fellow human beings to some end they do not share is to treat them as slaves, thereby denying both their inherent dignity and one's own.
Many consequentialists will say that they too can accommodate ironclad prohibitions on certain actions, on the grounds that utility will be maximized in the long run if people internalize such prohibitions. This is true, but it misses the point. Once one has internalized an ironclad prohibition, one is by definition no longer a consequentialist. One cannot treat certain values as absolute in practice and still meaningfully deny their absoluteness in theory; a belief that is not allowed to influence one's actions is no real belief. Most consequentialists are morally superior to their theory and, thankfully, pay it only lip service.
David Friedman is quite right to point out, in the same issue, that" concepts such as rights, property, and coercion" are complicated and not always susceptible to clear and easy rules. But this is not an argument for making consequences the sole test of right action. What it does mean is that non-consequentialist moral considerations establish only certain broad parameters, leaving it to consequences, custom, and context to make them more specific.
The parameters are not infinitely broad, however; and I do not see how they could be broad enough to license one group of people, called the government, to reassign title to the fruits of another group's labor at the first group's sole discretion. Hence even if taxation and eminent domain had good results -- which in the long term they rarely do -- they would stand condemned on non-consequentialist grounds as slavery and plunder.
Roderick T. Long
Department of Philosophy
Auburn University
Auburn AL

