Sheldon Richman
David T. Beito
Meanwhile, the Congressional Black Caucus, once so eager for the U.S. military to engage in regime change by putting Aristide in power during the 1990s, seems to have also decided to sit this one out.
Pat Lynch
David T. Beito
"A woman who holds dual citizenship in Ireland and the United States says the Department of Homeland Security sent her a letter asking her to renounce her Irish citizenship. She says she has spoken with other people with dual citizenship who also received letters asking them to give up their citizenship of any country other than the United States
I'm a newspaper reporter for The Atlanta Journal-Constitution. I would like to hear from anyone who knows of dual citizens being asked by the federal government to renounce their citizenship of a country other than the United States. You can email me at mbixler@ajc.com ."
From: Mark Bixler, Reporter, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, 72 Marietta St. N.W., Atlanta GA 30303, mbixler@ajc.com
Roderick T. Long
I have mixed feelings about Edmund Burke, who penned both some of the most pro-libertarian and some of the most anti-libertarian passages in English literature -- often within a few lines of one another. But his warning to Parliament in his 1775 speech On Conciliation With the American Colonies is equally good advice concerning the U.S. occupation of Iraq today:
The use of force alone is but temporary. It may subdue for a moment, but it does not remove the necessity of subduing again; and a nation is not governed which is perpetually to be conquered.And for all those who, like Claude Rains in Casablanca, are"shocked! shocked!" to find there are no WMDs in Iraq after all, I recommend Charles Johnson's recent posts here and here.
The defenders of"Operation Iraqi Freedom" are labouring under a double modal burden: the task they set themselves was both unnecessary and impossible.
Radley Balko
That's not entirely correct. A more accurate phrasing would be"we don't know if we've ever executed an innocent person."
That's because once someone's executed for a crime, prosecutors in most jurisdictions close the books on the case. Permanently. Files are generally either sealed or destroyed. The reason? Precisely so arguments like Goldberg's retain their validity. No one wants to be the first DA who's proven to have sent an innocent man to his death. Once the convicted is put to death, odds are no one will ever lay eyes on the kind of evidence that might later point to doubt. The files are gone. Or inaccessible.
A second reason we'll never know is because public interest groups who take capital cases -- Barry Scheck's"Project Innocence," for example -- aren't ever likely to spend precious resources clearing the name of a dead man when there are hundreds of cases of the living accused in the queue. Yes, it would certainaly give death penalty opponents a great rhetorical tool if they could prove the execution of an innocent, but if you've only got the money and time to take ten cases, and you're looking at hundreds of potential living innocents behind bars, it's hard to justify taking on a dead client.
Goldberg may or may not be right (I'd strongly suspect he isn't). The point is, we'll really never know.
Check here for Goldberg's response to this post, and my reply to his response.
Radley Balko
Sheldon Richman
By the way, this is the same George Will who wrote recently: “A prescription drug entitlement is not inherently unconservative, unless the welfare state itself is—and it isn't.”
David T. Beito
Speaking of Kerry and Kosovo, there is still an old 1999 article on his website from the Boston Globe in which it urges the U.S. to "stay the course" in Kosovo . The Wilsonian rhetoric in the article is so effusive that it could have easily been a cover story at the time for the Weekly Standard or Frontpage as an illustration of how another peacenik had"seen the light." Courtesy of Julian Sanchez , Michael Lind of the Nation pokes fun at neo-con attempts to deny their own existence.
Finally, it is nice to see that Alina Stefanescu is back in the blogging saddle with a thoughtful piece on Vaclav Havel's novel defense of enterpreneurship .
Radley Balko
I might mention that the grand total of all of these cuts is a paltry $4.9 billion -- spittin' in the ocean, really -- and that most of them were proposed in Bush's previous budget, then added back in by Congress, which means that's the likely outcome this time around, too. But adding those caveats would be inconsistent with the headline for this post. So I won't. Just stop reading after the first sentence.
Radley Balko
Bush, they say, supported Vietnam. Kerry didn't. This I guess makes Bush a patriot, Kerry a traitor.
(Bush seems to respond to questions about his NG guard duty -- as he did with Russert -- by tossing out the red herring that questions about his own questionable NG service are akin to questioning the loyalty of NG volunteers generally.)
Here's what you have to believe to buy into this load of tripe:
A) Man A volunteers for military service in wartime, despite possessing the background and privilege that could have gotten him a deferment. He serves honorably, is wounded, and wins multiple medals for heroism. Somewhere along the way, he begins to doubt the usefulness of the war, and the sincerity and honesty of the politicians waging it. When he returns from service, he speaks up, and chastises what he believes to wasteful and foolish foreign policy, and the needless loss of life of 60,000+ U.S. troops.
B) Man B, knowing that grad school deferments are becoming harder and harder to come by, opts for the National Guard to avoid serving in Vietnam. He accumulates a spotty record while there, and is disciplined for failing to show for meetings and physicals. There are large discrepencies in his record of service. He ends his NG stint early once he realizes he can safely go to Harvard for his MBA without fear of getting drafted. But he supported the Vietnam war, at least in principle.
To buy the current conservative defense of President Bush, you have to believe that Man B is more of a patriot than Man A. In hawk land, fighting and bleeding for your country isn't nearly as indicative of a man's loyalty to country as his willingness to send other men to bleed and die, in this case for a war that history has shown to be a failure and a fraud.
I'm no Karl Rove, but I'm thinking all of this will be a tough sell come November
Pat Lynch
For a nice review of how markets, not government, can handle cheaters quite efficiently you should read Fred McChesney's take on how market forces could better deal with the mutual fund problems involving timing trades and short-term trading. I should say that this is in part a shameless plug for Liberty Fund's own creation the EconLib Webpage which is an invaluable resource for faculty and students interested in free markets and the classic texts that underpin them.
Sheldon Richman
Pat Lynch
Robert L. Campbell
On February 4, Steven Horwitz made an interesting claim about which kinds of universities are most likely to suffer from unaccountable administration. Referring to the Deming case, in which a dean at the University of Oklahoma has stripped a senior faculty member of tenure, allegedly for openly criticizing the dean’s political agenda, Steve said:
My own guess is that, like the problem of political correctness, the problem of rogue administrators is worst at mid-level state universities (as opposed to top Tier I schools), where it's more likely that you'll find faculty and deans who overestimate their importance both in terms of their intellectual contributions and their ability to make the trains run on time. At a place like mine, a small upper Tier II liberal arts college, these things are less of a problem, I think.
There may be something to this. Deming notes in his article that his troubles with the dean began, years ago, after he stood up at a college faculty meeting and questioned the feasibility of that dean’s pet institutional aspiration: making OU as prestigious as Penn State. I work at another mid-level state university, where elevation to the top 20 public universities, as rated in US News and World Report, has been the official goal since our current president took office in 1999. I haven’t heard of anyone being run out of Clemson for questioning whether top 20 status in the offing, in a relatively poor state where the legislature is no longer interested in rewarding universities with increased appropriations of tax money when they do more grant- funded research. I suspect that public support for Governor Mark Sanford’s current budget proposal (which would cut state funding for Clemson’s extension system and related agricultural research by 41%) would be a much quicker route to the door marked “Exit.” Still, I would have to conclude that a faculty member who works under a tyrannical dean might be run out for questioning the drive to Top 20dom.
On the other hand, Clemson has emitted an occasional burst of political correctness, but isn’t terribly prone to it overall. It is hard to imagine a faculty member being punished for upholding gun ownership in a letter to the Clemson Tiger, or the issue in which the offending letter appeared being deleted from the newspaper’s archives. (Clemson is located in a congressional district where during the last two elections the Democratic candidate advertised his opposition to gun control.) Yet both of these things have happened to Deming in Norman, Oklahoma.
The wider lesson is that the 3000+ colleges and universities in the United States are fairly diverse. One cannot conclude that because something is a problem at a 2-year tech school, it is therefore also a problem in the Ivy League, or that the internal politics of a big state university with a slew of graduate programs will be the same in every respect as those that prevail at a small liberal arts college.
Even worse, it’s really hard to get data about the way different academic institutions function. No one is in a position to quantify how many tenured faculty members are being run out of their institutions the way Deming is. The universities where this kind of stuff is going on don’t want anyone else to know that it is going on. And there is hardly ever media coverage, unless a faculty member is not only fired but files suit against the university over the firing.
So, what generalizations can we make about American higher education overall?
One that is pretty well documented with data from diverse institutions (see elsewhere on this site) is that significant grade inflation has taken place: more As are awarded in 2004 than were given out in 1984, which in turn saw more students getting As than was the case in 1964.
Here’s another hypothesis I’ll put forward: administrators (by which I mean full-time employees who spend 50% or more of their time managing people) constitute a larger percentage of every American university’s full-time workforce in 2004 than they did in 1984, and in turn each had a larger proportion of administrators in 1984 than it did in 1964.
This is not so easy to test as you might think. There are many reasons for thinking that the average upper administrator sincerely believes that more administration is better, and that a good many will put effort into achieving this objective. But upper-level administrators also recognize that the public may not share their values. So they overreport the number of faculty and non-administrative staff people at their institutions, and underreport the number of administrators. Still, if faculty members at each institution are willing to do the grunt work, they can arrive at a reasonably accurate count of administrators at different points in its history.
Perhaps a Tier II liberal arts college is less likely to hire (or retain) deans with monstrous egos than a middle-level state university with top 20 ambitions. Perhaps, too, such a college is more likely to involve faculty in evaluating deans, and less likely to deep-six faculty complaints about their performance. But have the liberal arts colleges avoided adding administration over the past couple of generations? Or has administration at least grown more slowly at such institutions than it did at bigger universities?
Arthur Silber
Well, it's official now. We're truly crazy:
Yesterday we mentioned in passing that faithful viewer djsteve had purchased a track that cost him the"best 99 cents [he'd] ever spent." The joke, of course, was that it was the second track from The Whitey Album by Ciccone Youth, which consists of a minute and three seconds' worth of silence. To tell you the truth, while we're amused by the fact that Apple is charging 99 cents for a song full o' nothing, we're even more amused by the fact that said track contains the usual digital rights management code to prevent you from playing it on any unauthorized systems. And the most amusing thing of all, of course, is that the song has a thirty-second preview.My only consolation from these developments is the knowledge that it's not only the classical music world that's insane -- what with John Cage's infamous composition 4'33" (which is four minutes and 33 seconds of...silence).Well, as it turns out, the Ciccone Youth track is by no means the only all-silent untune for sale at the iTMS; faithful viewers ben, Scott Levin, and Michael Wyszomierski contributed their own suggestions, too. And you know how Apple recently added a bunch of"iTunes Essentials" playlists to the store, such as"Cover Songs" and"'70s AM Radio Classics"? Well, we've compiled all the silent tracks we managed to scrape together into the first AtAT Essentials playlist,"To Be Played At Maximum Volume." Since we lack the power to add playlists directly to the iTMS, you'll have to buy each of these tracks separately, but here ya go...
Note that three of those tracks, the ones by Slum Village, are labeled EXPLICIT. We've listened to them, and we have to agree: combined, that's the dirtiest fifteen seconds of utter silence we've ever not heard. It's so dirty, it's like Handel's Messiah, only, you know, quiet.
With regard to Cage's" composition," take a look at this introduction to a lengthy discussion of this piece and its meaning -- and note that this is offered in complete and utter seriousness:
ABSTRACT: The purpose of this essay is to examine the aesthetic behind Cage's"silent" composition, 4'33", to trace its history, and to show that it marked a significant change in John Cage's musical thought -- specifically how it forms a point-of-no-return from the conventional communicative, self-expressive and intentional purpose of music to a radical new aesthetic that informs the field of unintentional sound, interpenetration, chance, and indeterminacy. The compositional process is described, both the writing of 4'33" and its evolution from past thought. Implications for performance are examined, and recommendations are made.I can hardly wait to read the entire essay. No, really. What do you think I am, a philistine?
Some of you people just aren't serious. Not deeply serious, like me. Read the conclusion of the essay:
4'33" continues to baffle and confound people today. It has become an icon of the modern era, at once synonymous with Cage in the popular imagination, and Cage with it. This probably would have pleased him. It is music that is completely free of intentional sounds, and, in this sense, it is like a tabula rasa, a blank slate upon which the world of unintended sounds writes its music. But, it is a tabula rasa in which not everything is permitted. Intentional sounds and egocentric actions have no place here. 4'33" requires a serious, reverent, focused, and open mind that is willing to put aside preconceptions and embrace the universe of sound as music.You do see its significance now, don't you?It is easy to fall victim to the error that anything goes in this piece. Cage was clear that this is not the case. He was quite critical of"bad performances" of his music, and 4'33" was no exception. Ego and guile have no place here. The performer is dispensible and so is the audience. Only a singular, devoted listener is needed.
4'33" has no precedent in the history of music and it is probably history's most radical break with aesthetic tradition. Since it is" continuous", it is eternal, without beginning or end, boundless in time. It begs for our attention upon the preciousness of our environment. It is music that attempts to express nothing and to communicate nothing and yet expresses and communicates everything.
I thought you would. I knew how truly, deeply intelligent and refined you were.
I think for the next week, I will write...nothing. There will be many blog posts that will attempt to express nothing and to communicate nothing -- and yet they will express and communicate everything. Yes, I think that works for me.
So, I'll be ba
Roderick T. Long
I just finished watching, on C-Span, an extremely frustrating Cato Institute panel on Hayek. The panelists were Hayek biographers Bruce Caldwell and Alan Ebenstein -- and, for no reason I could discern, Senator Dick Armey. Caldwell and Ebenstein could barely get a word in edgewise, as Armey monopolised the event, rambling on about faith and humility, and generally making liberty sound about as much fun as a hair shirt.
It was Hayek, Armey said, that had made possible Ronald Reagan, Jack Kemp, and all the Republican"heroes of liberty" currently occupying Congress. (A rather harsh thing to say about Hayek, I thought.) When asked a question about the income tax, Armey opined that"even the most extreme libertarian" recognises the need for government and the income tax. (I recognised several anarchists in the room, no doubt grinding their teeth. And anyway, didn’t the United States do without an income tax for over a century?) Armey was asked to relate his response on the income tax to the legacy of Hayek, but failed to do so -- perhaps mercifully.
The effrontery of this self-satisfied politico calling himself a Hayekian was truly grating.
(Another moment of annoyance, albeit minor by comparison, came when an audience member asked whether there might be a tension between the Wittgensteinian and Misesian aspects of Hayek's thought. This was a question of some interest to me, since I'm just finishing a book manuscript on connections between Wittgenstein and Austrian economics. But Caldwell and Ebenstein both inexplicably interpreted the question as being about Wittgenstein’s influence on Hayek, even after the questioner explicitly clarified that he wasn’t asking about influence.)
Pat Lynch
Not that we need to be reminded, but the U.S. has thousands of tons of chemical weapons. Now we are destroying them in accordance with the international treaties on this matter, but we're waaay behind on it. Check out the the Chemical Weapons Working Group homepage . They are a non-profit organized by people who live near chemical weapons facilities. By the way, we've got 8 sites with four different types of weapons.
Furthermore, let's not suggest that the U.S. government is completely trustworthy on these matters. Check out this Salt Lake Tribune article on the government's secret experimentation on unwitting soldiers and sailors during the 1950's. Are we destroying all of our weapons? Since we have the means, by Bush's logic, do we deserve to be attacked? Just a thought.
Radley Balko
Steven Horwitz

